I was in federal court this morning in Alexandria, Virginia, for a hearing on the motions to disqualify interim U.S. Attorney Lindsey Halligan filed by former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James.

Today, November 13th, is actually the first 25 anniversary of TPM. The first post, for a fortuitous set of reasons, was written in New Haven, Connecticut on November 13th, 2000.

TPM’s Khaya Himmelman has a report here on the state of the Trump White House’s national gerrymandering campaign. The upshot is that it’s not going great. Republicans have had a series of reverses of late, each with its own backstory ranging from legal difficulties to lack of legislative votes to resistance from established officeholders in very conservative states. Meanwhile Democrats’ counteroffensive is going surprisingly well. All told, the whole thing may end up as a wash.

There’s a second order part of this story I want to highlight. If you’ve been watching politics for a long time you know of a basic feature or pattern of American politics. Republicans are generally willing to act more boldly, audaciously, or even borderline criminally than Democrats are willing or able to do. The examples are legion. Because of this difference in how the parties operate, Republicans are almost always rewarded for this norm-breaking behavior. That’s how their strong-arm gerrymandering push looked likely to turn out. But now it looks like it won’t. Most analysts figure it will end up as more of a wash. Some of this is due to these contingent setbacks, the most recent of which is an apparently decisive court reversal in Utah. But the game change is how aggressively Democratic governors have moved to gerrymander their own states.

You may remember that I wrote back in August about the MAGA Twitter warrior and Trump’s Director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency, Bill Pulte. He’d already used that job to finagle his way into becoming chairman of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. He’s the third generation princeling of one of the country’s biggest home-building companies and was actively angling to get appointed to the Fed, maybe even as chair.

With the big and (for me) really gratifying and enjoyable events we put on last week all wrapped, I was kind of seeing the whole TPM 25th anniversary thing in the rearview mirror. But with new pieces up on the site today in our 25th anniversary essay series, I remembered that the actual anniversary is tomorrow, Nov. 13. And here’s an interview which just came out this morning that the Columbia Journalism Review did with me about the 25th anniversary. I actually haven’t read it since I just got the link a few moments ago. But here is the link. Hopefully I didn’t say anything dumb.

The House can be expected to pass the government funding bill tonight, which, after President Trump signs it, will end the shutdown. The eight senators — seven Democrats and an independent — who voted for cloture to end the shutdown have been widely condemned. “America deserves better,” likely presidential candidate Gavin Newsom declared. But in my opinion, the eight senators did the right thing and did the Democratic Party a favor.

Kate is out on a much-deserved vacation, so there will be no episode of The Josh Marshall Podcast this week!

We will be back next week, and in the meantime, be sure to check out last week’s live show in honor of TPM’s 25th Anniversary. See you soon!

Over the last couple days I’ve argued both that the denouement of the shutdown standoff was a flub and an embarrassment and also that the overall situation is going reasonably well. This isn’t defending the members of the Democratic caucus. I don’t need to defend or attack them because I’m mostly indifferent to them. I’m looking to a half-dozen year or more time horizon in which almost all the current senators need to be convinced to take a dramatically different approach to politics or purged from the ranks of elected office. Let’s call it Change or Purge. To me, from March to now was a big step forward. The way of operating during this shutdown was very different from what happened in March. And the way it ended — here I know many disagree with me — doesn’t negate what happened during the last five weeks, either in terms of the changed behavior or what was accomplished. This is a multi-course treatment. The results of the first course were encouraging. So, on to the remaining nine.

Since I’ve focused on this Change or Purge framework in this post I’d like to flesh out some of what that means. Of course a lot of this is either characterological or a way of using power. That can be hard to capture in bullet points or outside the context of a specific political situation. But there are a series of things senators support or don’t support that gives a clear indication of whether they are serious about confronting the challenge of the moment or battling back from Trumpism.

I wrote last night’s post fresh off the news that at least eight Democrats had voted to take John Thune’s deal and vote for a continuing resolution, which got essentially none of the demands that had started this fight over. I stand by everything. If anything I feel surer of my impression of this.

There’s a key distinction I was trying to draw in what I wrote. And that is there’s a difference between the deal itself and where the deal leaves Democrats and the broader anti-Trump opposition. This deal shows us that Democrats still don’t have the caucus they need for this fight that will be going on at least through this decade. But the shutdown also accomplished a lot. And not withstanding the WTF fumble at the 10-yard line, it’s still a dramatically different caucus than we had in March. To me it’s a proof of concept that worked. Democratic voters need to keep demanding more, keep up the pressure and keep purging the Senate caucus of senators who are not up to the new reality.

In other words, it’s not defending anything. I’m certainly not happy with how this ended or endorsing anything this caucus did. I’m feeling good about what Democratic voters accomplished in forcing change on the caucus from March until November. So it’s not that Democrats demanded more and this deal isn’t that bad. It’s Democrats already got their representatives to shift a lot, and they need to keep ratcheting up the pressure, purging and reshaping how Democratic elected officials approach the question of power. And another continuing resolution cliff is just around the corner in January. If you haven’t already read my piece from last night, I encourage you to do so.

I have what I suspect is a somewhat counterintuitive take on the deal Senate Democrats’ Team Cave made with the Republican Senate caucus tonight. This is an embarrassing deal, a deal to basically settle for nothing. It’s particularly galling since it comes only days after Democrats crushed Republicans in races across the country. Election Day not only showed that Democrats had paid no price for the shutdown. It also confirmed the already abundant evidence that it has been deeply damaging for Donald Trump. But even with all this, I think the overall situation and outcome is basically fine. Rather than tonight’s events being some terrible disaster, a replay of March, I see it as the glass basically being two-thirds or maybe even three-quarters full.