Thanks to the GOP Megabill, You’ll Pay Higher Utility Bills

This article is part of TPM Cafe, TPM’s home for opinion and news analysis.

Natural gas price spikes, grid transmission bottlenecks, and a data center construction boom are already straining America’s power grid. The Republican Party just passed a budget bill that might break it. 

Donald Trump and the GOP’s irrational energy agenda deliberately sidelines wind and solar energy — the lowest cost, fastest-to-deploy sources of energy generation available — to prop up a dying fossil fuel industry that won’t be able to meet rising demand. 

The consequences will be severe: hundreds of billions in clean energy investment will evaporate, hundreds of gigawatts of power won’t get built, and hundreds of millions of metric tons of greenhouse gas emissions will be produced. By 2035, according to Princeton’s ZERO Lab for energy research, the U.S. will have added 45% less clean electricity to the grid than it would have if Trump had not been reelected. 

All of this comes as America’s electricity demand is accelerating for the first time in decades. A report last year from the Clean Grid Initiative projected up to a five-fold increase in demand on the grid. Meanwhile, the U.S. added 64 TWh of solar generation to the grid in 2024 — enough to meet fully half of the record-breaking growth in electricity demand last year, according to independent energy think tank Ember Energy.      

The only way America can meet rising energy demand and keep costs down is by building more wind and solar. Clean energy means lower utility bills, more good jobs, and cleaner air. 

The Republicans don’t care. It’s a tale as old as the party. The GOP campaigns on one thing — lowering the cost of energy for Americans — and does the opposite

The GOP Plot to Raise Your Energy Bill

The final version of the GOP’s bill, which Trump signed into law on July 4, phases out clean energy tax credits by the end of 2027, a year earlier than the timeline in the original House version.

Rather than “unleash” American energy, the Republican Party just kneecapped it. The loss of renewable subsidies threatens to disrupt or cancel a combined capacity of 547 GW of wind and solar by 2027 or later, according to Cleanview’s tracker. That’s not “leveling the playing field” with the massively-subsidized fossil fuel industry — it’s rigging the game. 

While the bill does give some juicy handouts to the fossil fuel industry, it’s hard to see who else benefits. U.S. automakers will definitively lose the global electric vehicle race. Big Tech will have to pay a premium to power their AI data centers. Advanced manufacturers now face insurmountable regulatory hurdles. An estimated 2.3 million jobs in clean energy and associated industries will vanish over the next 10 years. The nascent battery manufacturing boom is over. And American households will soon face steep price hikes on their utility bills, with double-digit increases in states like Arizona and North Carolina. 

If that wasn’t bad enough, in June, Trump stated plainly what he had already put into practice: a total ban on wind energy. “We’re not going to let windmills get built because we’re not going to destroy our country any further than it’s already been destroyed.” Adding cheap, abundant energy to the grid that would lower costs for working Americans simply isn’t worth the eyesore to Trump. Instead, Americans will foot the bill for Trump’s aesthetic preferences.

While China added 329 GW of solar last year alone, the U.S. added about 50. Once the tax credits expire, we’ll add even less. As energy expert, Doug Lewin, puts it: this isn’t energy dominance, it’s “energy submission.” 

No Other Way Out

The Trump administration champions fossil fuels as the energy solution for the modern world — but the industry can’t come close to replacing the renewable capacity that would be lost under the GOP’s rollback of clean energy incentives. 

Demand may be high, but the natural gas industry can’t meet it. The cost of building new natural gas plants has already tripled since 2022, with orders for new gas turbines backlogged past 2029. And as Heatmap reports, manufacturers like GE Vernova have little incentive to ramp up production capacity and risk future profit margins due to overcapacity. By 2027, GE will be able to produce only 20 gigawatts’ worth of gas turbines per year — worldwide.

These supply constraints won’t be fixed anytime soon. CEO John Ketchum of NextEra Energy calculates that natural gas will only be able to make up 16% of the 460 GW of additional capacity needed by the U.S. by 2030. The energy consulting firm, The Brattle Group, found that the combined capacity of new natural gas plants and nuclear plant restarts will only supply about a third of projected peak demand growth by 2030. 

And once gas plants are built, unlike wind or solar, their electricity prices are tied to a global market prone to volatility — as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine made painfully clear. On top of that, the Trump administration’s push to boost LNG exports will only intensify global demand for natural gas and raise prices at home.

The administration’s gung-ho nuclear stance also faces headwinds from its own self-defeating policies — like arbitrary staff cuts at the Department of Energy and Nuclear Regulatory Commission — that make building nuclear power more difficult. Not to mention that tariffs on key components, like steel and aluminum, drive up already staggering construction costs — jeopardizing projects like the reopening of the Palisades Nuclear Plant. 

The final bill extended the window to claim tax credits for clean, firm power sources like nuclear, hydro, and geothermal for a decade — but this will still be too little, too late to stabilize energy prices. Industry analysts say no new nuclear plant will come online before 2032, at the earliest. And even if it did, the enormous upfront capital costs mean that any cost savings from nuclear appear on the timescale of decades, not years. While states like New York have moved forward with plans for new nuclear in an effort to improve “reliability and affordability,” the experience of some nuclear customers has been the opposite. Integrating nuclear’s constant baseload power may bolster the grid’s long-term reliability — but it won’t provide any short-term rate relief.

Republicans can idolize fossil fuels all they want, but the industry lacks the physical capacity to expand fast enough to meet demand. 

Republicans Are Lying to You

Trump calls windmills “costly and unsightly.” His Secretary of Energy, Chris Wright, derides net-zero goals as “sinister.” Interior Secretary Doug Burgum warns that the U.S. has “tipped” too far towards renewables. In one of the administration’s first executive orders, Trump bizarrely claimed that clean energy “makes worse the high energy prices that devastate Americans.”

These lies are designed to obscure the reality: it’s fossil fuels, not renewable energy, inflating energy prices. Sensitive to global markets, the price of natural gas fluctuates wildly in response to supply shocks and geopolitical instability, as the Russia-Ukraine war made painfully clear in 2022. Coal is even worse. In places like West Virginia, Republican regulators have long forced ratepayers to subsidize uneconomic, aging coal plants despite cheaper alternatives. Now, Trump is mandating the rest of the country follow suit.

Republicans are forcing Americans to accept higher utility bills just to prop up a dying fossil fuel industry — one that has already saddled the public with trillions in climate damages while raking in historic profits

The clean energy transition is unstoppable. Stripping away renewable energy subsidies will only increase costs and slow the pace of adoption. But it won’t kill the momentum. 

Many ‘Big Beautiful’ Losses Won’t Be Felt Til After Midterms, And That’s Intentional

House Democrats have shifted to a new messaging strategy now that their Republican colleagues have given in to President Trump’s wishes and passed the devastating “big, beautiful” bill despite many Republicans’ supposed concerns about the legislation.

Continue reading “Many ‘Big Beautiful’ Losses Won’t Be Felt Til After Midterms, And That’s Intentional”

Frustrated Judge Struggles In The Quicksand Of The Abrego Garcia Case

GREENBELT, MARYLAND—I suppose it was inevitable that in a case over whether the Trump administration can defy federal court orders without consequence, a trial judge would emerge as a main character.

Continue reading “Frustrated Judge Struggles In The Quicksand Of The Abrego Garcia Case”

ICE’s Penumbra of Abuse

I wanted to elaborate on some points Theda Skocpol addressed in her reader email this weekend about ICE and the supercharged ICE the new Trump budget law envisions. Some of this may be obvious just seeing what we’ve all seen in recent months. But I wanted to describe some of the exact modalities we’re talking about.

First, a general point about ICE. Long before the current moment and even the controversies of the first Trump term, ICE was generally known as a place made up of people who couldn’t get jobs at the more established and reputable federal policing agencies — so, FBI, U.S. Marshals, DEA, ATF, etc. Because of this, it has a high proportion of people who are there because they want to wear a uniform, knock people around and act tough. That’s an aspect of every policing organization. But more professional organizations do their best to weed those people out on the front end and instill discipline that keeps those impulses in check. There’s much less of that at ICE. So it’s never had a good reputation within federal law enforcement.

Continue reading “ICE’s Penumbra of Abuse”

On Not Losing Perspective In The Trump II Madness

A lot of things happened. Here are some of the things. This is TPM’s Morning Memo. Sign up for the email version.

Gracias!

Many thanks to Sarah Posner, John Light, and Nicole Lafond for keeping Morning Memo going so I could get away for a couple of weeks. It was a particularly bad time to be gone: the end of the Supreme Court term, the final passage of the centerpiece legislation of President Trump’s second term, and the culminating rulings in some of the most important deportation cases threatening the rule of law.

Keeping It In Perspective

Despite my personal frustration and a deep sense of FOMO, getting away for a bit was an important reset not just for all the usual reasons but because it’s easy to lose perspective in this line of work, especially since Jan. 20. I have had my face pressed to the glass of the Trump II presidency in a way that felt necessary, but it inevitably distorted my own perspective on what you need and how to best reach you.

Morning Memo has from its inception been focused on providing you with a proportionate, sensible, measured rundown on only the day’s essential political news. It has eschewed alarmism and regularly spared you from devoting your limited attention to news that didn’t deserve it. It’s also tried to maintain a consistent standard for what does deserve your attention, including some occasional reminders that politics is bigger than DC and life is bigger than politics.

But after Trump’s second inauguration, my own curiosity and inability to make immediate sense of his rampage through the federal government prompted me to take Morning Memo in a somewhat different direction. The sheer volume of essential, often historic, political news that defied easy categorization forced some re-tooling of how to present the news to you. It felt important to come up with new buckets in which to place new kinds of stories. My ongoing focus on the three horseman of the Trump II apocalypse — retribution, destruction, and corruption — was an example of offering new categories for you to use.

A New Political Taxonomy

More broadly, I was determined to come up with a new political taxonomy that accounted for the unprecedented changes in U.S. politics, like the DOGE infiltration and the White House attacks on the federal judiciary. It felt like malpractice merely to carry over the old-style political news coverage into the Trump II era. But coming up with a new taxonomy in real time meant grouping and continually re-grouping not just individual stories but entire categories of stories and that necessarily meant throwing a lot of news at you each day, much more than I had previously expected you to consume.

That was a big change from how I’d originally conceived of Morning Memo. I’d always wanted it to be breezy and succinct enough to be read in one quick sitting, but smart enough to make you feel like you’d checked off the box of being an informed citizen. That balance was hard to strike in the first half of 2025. I didn’t feel breezy or succinct. In the onslaught of the first 100 days of Trump II, throwing more at you was easy to justify, but it got harder to defend as we moved into the summer.

A Morning Memo Reboot

It took a few days away from the daily grind to reassess how to re-position Morning Memo to best serve you. Spending time as a normal human, occasionally consuming some but not all political news, was a good reminder of what I find most helpful in a news site: context and explanation from a reliable narrator who is weaving together a big-picture story from the day’s news fragments.

The sheer volume of lawlessness and historic political news remains high. It will remain challenging to make sense of it on a daily basis without overwhelming you. Where I’ve landed is to throw less at you in summary fashion and devote more time to explaining and contextualizing. That doesn’t mean condescension or oversimplification. It does mean trying to tell the sweeping story of the Trump II presidency and America’s descent into authoritarianism by pulling from multiple storylines to illustrate the larger dynamics in play.

Don’t worry. It will still be a rundown of the day’s political news, an anthology of the most important stories. But I want to get back to a breezier, tighter, more accessible version of Morning Memo that leaves you wanting more, not struggling to make it to the end.

See you here tomorrow as we dive back into it.

Do you like Morning Memo? Let us know!

Critical Read About the BBB, Federalism and the Future of American Democracy

TPM Reader TS (Harvard sociologist/political scientist Theda Skocpol) and I often compared notes on the news of the day and I am always particularly attentive to her thoughts on state structure and power. So I asked her to write out her comments in response to Josh Kovensky’s piece on the vast expansion of ICE funded in the new budget bill. I really strongly recommend you read this, especially in you’re a government worker or elected official in state or local government.

The Trump monster bill’s huge upward rewarding tax cuts and punitive shrinking of health and food benefits are crucial, but you are right Josh that massive militarization of ICE is the real heart of this law – didn’t J. D. Vance say just that a little while ago?

Continue reading “Critical Read About the BBB, Federalism and the Future of American Democracy”

Mass Deportations or Mass Detentions?

Hello it’s the weekend. This is The Weekender ☕️

The GOP spent the entire 2024 campaign promising “mass deportations.” Now in office, the Trump administration has directed its largest demonstrations of abuse towards that slogan. The Alien Enemies Act removals to CECOT? Look how far they’ll go to get people out of the country as quickly as possible. Defying the courts to send people to South Sudan? Wow, they must really want to deport people.

Continue reading “Mass Deportations or Mass Detentions?”

Conservatives Notch 2 Victories in Their Fight to Deny Planned Parenthood Funding

This article is part of TPM Cafe, TPM’s home for opinion and news analysis. It was originally published at The Conversation.

Conservatives have won two important battles in their decades-long campaign against Planned Parenthood, a network of affiliated clinics that are the largest provider of reproductive health services in the U.S.

One of these victories was a U.S. Supreme Court ruling handed down on June 26, 2025. The other is a provision in the multitrilion-dollar tax-and-spending package President Donald Trump has made his top legislative priority. Both follow the same strategy: depriving Planned Parenthood – and all other providers of abortion care – from getting reimbursed by Medicaid, the government health insurance program that mainly covers low-income adults and children, as well as people with disabilities.

Because Medicaid covers nearly 80 million Americans, this bill, and the Supreme Court’s decision, will sever federal support for health care that has nothing to do with abortion, such as annual exams, birth control and prenatal care. Abortions account for 3% of all of Planned Parenthood’s services.

As a scholar of reproductive rights, I have studied how abortion politics shape the broader provision of reproductive health care.

I see in both the legislation and the court’s ruling a culmination of a strategy to defund Planned Parenthood that was in full swing by 2007, toward the end of the George W. Bush administration. This campaign hinges on a strategy of insisting that federal and state dollars are supporting abortion care when they do not.

A clinic escort in a rainbow-striped vest assists a patient entering a Planned Parenthood clinic.
A clinic escort assists a patient at a Planned Parenthood health center in Philadelphia in 2022. Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images

Congress and the Supreme Court

Trump’s package of tax breaks, spending increases and safety net changes passed in the House and the Senate by razor-thin margins.

One of the bill’s provisions will make it impossible for patients with Medicaid coverage to get any health care services at clinics like Planned Parenthood.

The provision will last only for a year.

The House approved the same version of the package that the Senate had passed a week after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that states cannot be sued by patients if they make it impossible for Planned Parenthood clinics to be reimbursed by Medicaid.

The case, Medina v. Planned Parenthood South Atlantic, arose when a South Carolina woman wanted to get gynecological care at her local Planned Parenthood clinic. The rationale South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster gave for the state’s policy was that Planned Parenthood is an abortion provider.

Man in suit speaks into a microphone, flanked by other people who are standing in front of a building surrounded by scaffolding.
South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster stands outside the Supreme Court building in Washington in April 2025 and speaks about his state’s legal dispute regarding Medicaid funding for health care at Planned Parenthood clinics. Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images

Medicaid and abortion

To be clear, neither the legal dispute nor the provision in the legislative package had anything to do with the use of federal or state dollars to fund abortion.

Although Planned Parenthood offers abortion where and when it is legal, this provision and the court’s decision concern Medicaid reimbursement for all other services. Abortion care is not covered by Medicaid under federal law except in cases of rape, incest or a threat to the pregnant patient’s life.

Medicaid patients instead have relied on their plan at Planned Parenthood clinics when they get annual exams, prenatal care, mental health support, birth control, treatment for sexually transmitted infections, cervical cancer screenings and fertility referrals.

None of those services will be covered by Medicaid for a year. Patients will have to find another health care provider – as long as one is available.

While that provision is in effect, Medicaid won’t be allowed to reimburse Planned Parenthood for any services, mirroring what states just won the right to do in the Supreme Court ruling – but at the national level.

Although the bill blocks Medicaid funding for Planned Parenthood for only 12 months, the ruling lets states exclude any provider from its Medicaid program because they also provide abortions.

In other words, people who rely on Medicaid funding will lose access to all of those essential services not just at Planned Parenthood but potentially at any other providers that also offer abortion care.

Given the number of states that ban almost all abortion, I have no doubt that more states will do that, especially if this Medicaid funding provision expires after a year without being renewed.

A protester holds a sign aloft that says 'Women on Medicaid deserve choices too,' with another sign in the background that says 'Keep Abortion Legal,'
Abortion-rights demonstrators holds a sign in front of the Supreme Court building in Washington as the Medina v. Planned Parenthood South Atlantic case is heard on April 2, 2025. Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call via Getty Images

Roots of this defunding strategy

Politicians began to call for defunding Planned Parenthood about 20 years ago, following efforts by anti-abortion activists to discredit the organization altogether.

U.S. Rep. Mike Pence introduced the first federal legislation aimed at “defunding” Planned Parenthood in 2007. It failed to muster enough support in Congress to become law. States such as Texas then started down that path.

The first national legislative success came in 2015. Both houses of Congress passed a budget reconciliation measure with a provision to defund Planned Parenthood that year, but President Barack Obama vetoed it. Republicans had threatened to shut down the government over those demands. A year later, the GOP included a call to defund Planned Parenthood in its presidential campaign platform.

Before Obama left office, his administration passed a rule in December 2016 protecting federal funds for family planning for health care facilities that also provided abortion. The Trump administration rolled back that rule in 2017.

The Trump administration relied on an argument that any support for a health care provider that offers patients abortion services, no matter how segregated the sources of funding, is tantamount to subsidizing abortion.

What to expect next

Nationally, 16 million women of reproductive age rely on Medicaid, and 1 in 5 women will visit a Planned Parenthood clinic for health care at least once in their lives. Those clinics depend on Medicaid reimbursement to offer an array of reproductive health care services, such as prenatal care, that are not tied to abortion.

If Planned Parenthood clinics can’t bill Medicaid for those services, many will close. Planned Parenthood estimates that it could see almost 200 closures – 90% of them in states where abortion is legal. That means over 1 million low-income people risk losing access to their health care provider.

And once clinics close, they may never reopen, U.S. Sen. Patty Murray, a Washington Democrat, recently predicted.

Should the number of Planned Parenthood clinics plummet, it will threaten access to contraceptives, which are all the more important in preventing unwanted pregnancies for people living in states that have banned abortion. Researchers have repeatedly found that unwanted pregnancies, when people are denied access to abortion services, are correlated with increased debt, missed educational and employment opportunities, mental health problems, and diminished care for a family’s older children.

In addition, pregnant patients and new parents may have more limited options for prenatal and postnatal care. That could cause the country’s already-high rates of maternal and infant mortality to increase.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The Conversation

Congress Throws More Money at Removing Immigrants than Most Countries Spend on Their Armies

It’s hard to convey just how big the new budget makes the country’s immigration enforcement infrastructure.

Continue reading “Congress Throws More Money at Removing Immigrants than Most Countries Spend on Their Armies”

States Fear Critical Funding From FEMA May Be Drying Up

This article is part of TPM Cafe, TPM’s home for opinion and news analysis. It was originally published at ProPublica, a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. 

Upheaval at the nation’s top disaster agency is raising anxiety among state and local emergency managers — and leaving major questions about the whereabouts of billions of federal dollars it pays out to them.

The Federal Emergency Management Agency still has not opened applications for an enormous suite of grants, including ones that many states rely on to pay for basic emergency management operations. Some states pass on much of that money to their most rural, low-income counties to ensure they have an emergency manager on the payroll.

FEMA has blown through the mid-May statutory deadline to start the grants’ application process, according to the National Emergency Management Association, with no word about why or what that might indicate. The delay appears to have little precedent.

“There’s no transparency on why it’s not happening,” said Michael A. Coen Jr., who served as FEMA’s chief of staff under former Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden.

FEMA’s system of grants is complex and multifaceted and helps communities prepare for and respond to everything from terrorist attacks to natural disasters.

In April, the agency abruptly rescinded a different grant program that county and local governments were expecting to help them reduce natural hazard risks moving forward. The clawback of money included hundreds of millions already pledged. FEMA also quietly withdrew a notice for states to apply for $600 million in flood mitigation grants.

On top of that, on June 11, U.S. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem began requiring that she review all FEMA grants above $100,000. That could slow its vast multibillion grants apparatus to a crawl, current and former FEMA employees said.

FEMA did not answer ProPublica’s questions about the missed application deadline or the impact of funding cuts and delays, instead responding with a statement from DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin that Noem is focused on bringing accountability to FEMA’s spending by “rooting out waste, fraud, abuse, and working to ensure only grants that really help Americans in time of need are approved.”

The memo announcing the change arrived the day after President Donald Trump said he wants to begin dismantling FEMA at the close of hurricane season this fall.

All of this has left states — some of which rely on the federal government for the vast majority of their emergency management funding — in a difficult position. While Trump has sharply criticized FEMA’s performance delivering aid after disasters strike, he has said almost nothing about the future of its grant programs.

“It’s a huge concern,” said Lynn Budd, president of the National Emergency Management Association and director of the Wyoming Office of Homeland Security, which houses emergency management. The state agency gets more than 90% of its operating budget from federal funds, especially FEMA grants. “The uncertainty makes it very difficult,” she said.

In North Carolina, a state hit hard by a recent natural disaster, federal grants make up 82% of its emergency management agency’s budget. North Carolina Emergency Management leaders are pressing state lawmakers to provide it with “funding that will sustain the agency and its core functions” and cut its reliance on federal grant funding, an agency spokesperson said.

A forced weaning off of federal dollars could have an outsize impact in North Carolina and the other states that pass on much of their FEMA grants to county and local agencies. Many rural counties have modest tax bases and are already stretched thin.

In May, ProPublica published a story detailing the horrors of Hurricane Helene’s impact on one of those counties, Yancey. Home to 19,000 people, it suffered the largest per capita loss of life and damage to property in the storm. Jeff Howell, its emergency manager, was operating with only a part-time employee and said that for years he had been asking the county commission for more help. It wasn’t until after the storm that county commissioners agreed with the need.

“They realized how big a job it is,” said Howell, who has since retired.

But even large metropolitan counties rely on the grants. The hold upin opening the grant applications concerns Robert Wike Graham, deputy director of Charlotte-Mecklenburg Emergency Management, which serves an area of 1.2 million people and is home to a nuclear power plant. The training and preparation FEMA grants help the agency pay for are critical to keeping the community safe in the face of a nuclear catastrophe.

Yet Graham said he has resorted to scouring social media posts and news reports for bits of clues about the grants — and the future of FEMA itself.

“We’re all having to be like, hey, what have you heard? What do you know? What’s going on? Nobody knows,” Graham said.

Trump is on his second acting FEMA administrator in five months, and the director who coordinates national disaster response turned in his resignation letter June 11. More than a dozen senior leaders, including the agency’s chief counsel, have left or been fired, along with an unknown mass of its full-time workers.

“Every emergency manager I know is screaming, ‘You’re screwing the system up.’ We’ve all been calling for reform,” Graham said. “But it’s too much, too fast.

Vulnerable to Political Shifts

Shortly after President Jimmy Carter created FEMA in 1979 to centralize federal disaster management, the agency began to dole out grants to help communities grappling with large-scale destruction. Over the years, its grants ballooned, especially after the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11, 2001, when huge new programs helped states harden security against this alarming new threat.

Today, FEMA operates roughly a dozen preparedness grant programs. Among other things, the money serves as a financial carrot to ensure that even spending-averse and tax-strapped states and counties employ emergency managers who help communities prepare for and respond to terrorist attacks and natural disasters.

Former FEMA leaders said states have been largely content to sit back and let the feds pay up. As a result, they said, the grants have created a system of dependence that leaves emergency managers vulnerable to ever-shifting national priorities and, at the moment, a president set on dismantling the agency.

Across the country, the percentage of state emergency management agencies’ budgets paid by federal funding ranges from zero to 99.4%, a 2024 National Emergency Management Association report says. A spokesperson declined to provide a state-by-state breakdown, so ProPublica canvassed a few.

Wyoming tops 90%. Texas’ agency gets about three-quarters of its operational budget from federal funding. Virginia gets roughly 70%. South Carolina comes in around 61% federal funding for day-to-day operations.

Most state emergency managers agree that their states need to depend less on the federal government for their funding, “but there’s got to be some glide path or timeline where we can all work toward the goal,” Budd said.

Some states would need upwards of a decade to prepare for such a seismic shift, especially those like Wyoming that budget every other year, she added. Its Legislature is in the middle of budget negotiations for fiscal year 2027-28.

If emergency managers instead are scrambling, “the effects that we’re going to see down the line is a lack of preparedness, a lack of coordination, training and partnerships being built,” Budd said. “We’re not going to be able to respond as well.”

A key reason states have become so dependent on FEMA grants despite the risk of national political upheaval is that state legislatures and local elected leaders haven’t always prioritized paying for emergency management themselves despite its critical role. With FEMA’s grants, they haven’t had to.

W. Craig Fugate has seen reluctance to wean off FEMA grants from all levels of government. He served as FEMA administrator under Obama and, before that, as head of Florida’s emergency management division under then-Govs. Jeb Bush and Charlie Crist.

“My experience tells me locals will not step up unless they are dealing with a catastrophe,” Fugate said.

Because most of the preparedness grants require no match from state or local governments, he said, it strips away any motivation for them to do so — especially with other pressing needs vying for those dollars.

“The real question is how much of this is actually critical and should be the responsibility of local governments to fund?” Fugate said. “Neither local governments nor states have been very forward in funding beyond the minimums to match federal dollars.”

Small-Town North Carolina

After Hurricane Helene, North Carolina’s Emergency Management agency commissioned a report that pointedly criticized the state’s “over-reliance on federal grants to fund basic operations.” Only about 16.5% of the state agency’s budget comes from state appropriations.

The report noted that this reliance had led to an inadequate investment by the state in its emergency management staffing and infrastructure. A staff shortage at the agency “severely compromised the state’s response to Hurricane Helene.” Among other things, a lack of staff hampered the State Emergency Response Team’s ability to maintain a 24-hour operation that was supposed to support local and county officials who were overwhelmed by the massive storm.

North Carolina state Rep. Mark Pless, the Republican co-chair of the House Emergency Management and Disaster Recovery Committee, said the state’s conservative spending and $3.6 billion in reserves have “afforded us the ability to fund ourselves for preparedness” if FEMA suddenly yanks its grants.

But Democratic Rep. Robert Reives, the House minority leader, worried that any financial flexibility would dry up if planned and potential tax cuts in the years ahead create a budget shortfall, as some have predicted.

In mostly rural Washington County, along North Carolina’s hurricane-prone coast, Lance Swindell is a one-man emergency management office. His county, home to 11,000 people, lacks a big tax base.

Like other emergency managers across the state, Swindell said he supports cutting FEMA red tape and waste, but “grant funding is a major funding source just to keep the lights on.”

One of the grants in the FEMA program that blew past its deadline for opening applications pays half of his salary. That grant can fund core local operations such as staffing, training and equipment. It is critical to local emergency management offices: Almost 82% of counties across the country report tapping into it.

Cuts to this particular grant under the Biden administration already reduced what North Carolina gets — and therefore what gets passed down the governmental food chain to people like Swindell. North Carolina was allocated $8.5 million in fiscal year 2024, down from $10.6 million two years earlier.

Looking ahead, Swindell is still waiting for the applications to open while wondering if FEMA will more drastically slash the grants — and, if so, whether his county could find the money to continue paying his full-time salary.

Mollie Simon contributed research.