How Trump Brought ‘Networked Incitement’ To The Capitol

This article is part of TPM Cafe, TPM’s home for opinion and news analysis. It was originally published at The Conversation.

The shocking events of Jan. 6, 2021, signaled a major break from the nonviolent rallies that categorized most major protests over the past few decades.

What set Jan. 6 apart was the president of the United States using his cellphone to direct an attack on the Capitol, and those who stormed the Capitol being wired and ready for insurrection.

My co-authors and I, a media and disinformation scholar, call this networked incitement: influential figures inciting large-scale political violence via social media. Networked incitement involves insurgents communicating across multiple platforms to command and coordinate mobilized social movements in the moment of action.

The reason there was not more bloodshed on Jan. 6 emerged through investigation into the Oath Keepers, a vigilante organization composed mostly of former military and police. During their trials for seditious conspiracy, members of the Oath Keepers testified about weapons caches in hotels and vans, stashed near Washington, D.C. As one member described it, “I had not seen that many weapons in one location since I was in the military.”

The Oath Keepers were following Washington law by not carrying the weapons in the district, while waiting for Trump to invoke the Insurrection Act, which gives the president the authority to deploy the military domestically for law enforcement.

The militia was waiting for orders from Trump. That was all that kept U.S. democracy safe from armed warfare that day.

A projection of text on a large screen above a row of seated people
The House Select Committee hearings on the Jan. 6 attack highlighted the role of President Trump’s tweets. Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images

Social media as command and control

What happened in D.C. on Jan. 6, 2021, does not easily fit into typical social movement frameworks for describing mobilization. The insurrectionists behaved akin to a networked social movement, with online platforms forming the infrastructure to organize action, but its leaders were politicians and political operatives as opposed to charismatic community leaders. On that day in particular, the insurrectionists, who are closely aligned with MAGA Republicans more broadly, functioned like Trump’s volunteer army rather than a populist movement.

Even with the availability of social media, networked social movements still need mainstream media coverage to legitimize their cause. Typically, community organizers push a particular issue — for example Black Lives Matter and #MeToo — into the media spotlight to get the public to care about their issue. Social movements tend to struggle for exposure and to frame favorable narratives.

The insurrectionists had the advantage of betting on mainstream media coverage for Jan. 6, so they focused on gathering resources and coordinating attendance. As a result, Trump’s supporters did not need to expend much effort to bring attention to the event and, instead, concentrated on organizing ride-shares and splitting hotel costs. As in prior social movements, the networking capacity of social media proved to be an important conduit to bring strangers together for the occasion. What the insurrectionists failed to do was convince key stakeholders, such as mainstream media, Vice President Mike Pence and the U.S. Capitol Police, to join their fight.

Networked incitement is different from the legalistic understanding of incitement, where an inflammatory statement immediately precedes unlawful acts or creates a dangerous situation. The call to action for Jan. 6 came from the president himself in a series of social media posts enticing supporters to come to D.C. for a “wild” time.

Tweets like these from a prominent figure became social media’s equivalent of shouting fire in a crowded theater.

Mobilizing for violence

My colleagues and I sought data to better understand what motivated everyday folks to storm the Capitol that day under great personal risk. Using the method of qualitative content analysis, we assembled 469 charging and sentencing documents for 417 defendants and coded them for the stated reasons for attending the event. We chose these court documents because they represented the fullest narrative accounts available. The purpose of these documents was to explain the rationales and mental states of the accused, while also offering a defense or explanation for their actions.

We analyzed the documents, looking at the multiple motivations for the insurrectionist mobilization. Overwhelmingly, insurrectionists said they were motivated by a desire to support Trump, which was equally split with a rationale to stop a rigged election. In sum, we concluded that disinformation mobilizes and incites political violence under specific conditions, such as a popular public figure calling for help.

For example, the court documents also directly reference social media posts of the accused. On Dec. 22, 2020, Kelly Meggs, an Oath Keeper who was later convicted of seditious conspiracy and sentenced to 12 years in prison, wrote on Facebook:

“Trump said It’s gonna be wild!!!!!!! It’s gonna be wild!!!!!!! He wants us to make it WILD that’s what he’s saying. He called us all to the Capitol and wants us to make it wild!!! Sir Yes Sir!!! Gentlemen we are heading to DC pack your shit!!”

The reference to “it’s gonna be wild” was a rejoinder to the now infamous tweet Trump sent after a reportedly difficult six-hour meeting the president had with staff about how to proceed with the fraud inquiry and undo the election results. Oath Keeper Meggs’ tweet illustrates that even before Jan. 6, militia groups were looking for signs from Trump about how to proceed. An investigation by NPR also illustrated how Trump’s messages emboldened participants and ignited the events of that day.

A dark future

No sitting president before Trump had exploited the capacity of social media to directly reach citizens to command specific actions.

The use of social media for networked incitement foreshadows a dark future for democracies. Rulers could well come to power by manipulating mass social movements via social media, directing a movement’s members to serve as the leaders’ shock troops, online and off.

Clear regulations preventing the malicious weaponization of social media by politicians who use disinformation to incite violence is one way to keep that future at bay.

The Conversation

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

In Ominous Sign, Supreme Court Takes Up Emergency Room Abortion Case

The Supreme Court announced Friday that it would take up a case centered on abortion care in emergency medical situations, leapfrogging the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, which was scheduled to hear arguments later this month. 

Continue reading “In Ominous Sign, Supreme Court Takes Up Emergency Room Abortion Case”

Supreme Court Will Hear Trump Disqualification Clause Case In February

The Supreme Court announced Friday afternoon that it will hear oral arguments February 8 on the Colorado Supreme Court’s ruling that Donald Trump is ineligible to run under the Constitution’s disqualification clause due to his role in the Jan. 6 insurrection.

The Court was near certain to take up the case after both parties requested that it do so, and because similar cases are brewing in other states. 

The case is on an expedited timeline, though a slightly slower one than the voters who triumphed in Colorado state court had requested. They wanted oral arguments on January 19, “so that the Court may issue a ruling before in-state Colorado voters begin receiving their ballots on February 12 and well before Super Tuesday.”

Leading up to the Court’s February oral arguments, initial briefs will be due January 18, with respondents’ reply due January 31. Any further reply brief is due February 5.  

The Court did not specify which questions it would hear in the Friday order, a major point of contention between the parties that might have indicated where the case is headed. Questions suggested by the parties range from whether Congress needs to pass legislation to make the disqualification clause enforceable to whether Trump engaged in insurrection.

Since the Court accepted Trump’s petition to take up the case, it may suggest that they’ll also request briefing on the questions he raised in his brief. Technically, he asked only one — “Did the Colorado Supreme Court err in ordering President Trump excluded from the 2024 presidential primary ballot?” — though in the briefing itself, he seems to ask several separate questions, including urging the Court to review the Colorado courts’ interpretation of state law, a request that is seemingly outside the U.S. Supreme Court’s jurisdiction.

There are many paths the Supreme Court could take in the case, including more procedural off-ramps that would let it avoid the most hot button arguments. Team Trump argues, for one, that the disqualification clause never applies to presidents — an argument that, if the justices accepted it, would seem to zero out the multi-state effort to disqualify Trump without touching on the former president’s specific behavior. 

That nationwide push has had varying levels of success, with Colorado as the first state to block Trump from the ballot and Maine close behind. In the latter state, the secretary of state made an administrative ruling barring Trump from the ballot, which he has appealed to state superior court. A ruling there is expected in mid-January, with the final word from the state Supreme Court by the end of the month. 

The Supreme Court is expected to end up involved in another high-profile Trump dispute, as he fights to prove that sweeping presidential immunity protects him from special counsel Jack Smith’s Jan. 6 prosecution. The Court — without explanation or any noted dissents — declined Smith’s request for the justices to take up the question on an expedited basis, instead sending it back down to the D.C. Circuit. 

Still, Friday’s order in the disqualification case may concern the former president in terms of the Court’s willingness to expedite briefings and arguments; Trump is trying to drag Jack Smith’s case out past 2024, so he can make the Justice Department drop it if he’s reelected.

Read the order here:

Beholding the SCOTUS Disqualification Unicorn

I wanted to respond to a few questions and comments about my disqualification post. It’s a complicated issue that a number of you have raised. In so many words, I said that in the very unlikely case that the Court found that Trump had participated in an insurrection and allowed the Colorado decision to stand, it would still be up to individual states to remove him from the ballot. Clearly no red state is going to do that. And it seems unlikely that any purple states would do it.

TPM Reader BS writes: “I think you’re underestimating the impact of the (admittedly slight) possibility of SCOTUS affirming the removal of Trump from the Colorado ballot. However the majority phrases it, this will be seen and interpreted as the GOP-dominated SCOTUS, the highest court in the land, finding Trump GUILTY of insurrection.” (Don’t hold BS‘s initials against him.)

As BS goes on to argue, this would unleash a tidal wave of recriminations within the GOP and open the door to swing states removing Trump from the ballot.

Continue reading “Beholding the SCOTUS Disqualification Unicorn”

The Gradual Release Of Jan. 6 Footage Has The Far Right Raging At House Republicans And Speaker Mike Johnson

On one of the internet’s main QAnon forums, Speaker Mike Johnson’s November decision to unveil tens of thousands of hours of security footage from the Jan. 6 attack was greeted with great fanfare. Johnson committed to publicly release the security tapes, which have been something of a holy grail for Capitol attack conspiracy theorists, soon after he took office. At the time, the new speaker framed it as the fulfillment of a “promise to the American people.” 

Continue reading “The Gradual Release Of Jan. 6 Footage Has The Far Right Raging At House Republicans And Speaker Mike Johnson”

Trump Disqualification and Setting Your Expectations

We’re now waiting to see when — almost certainly when — the Supreme Court will take up ex-President Trump’s appeal of Colorado’s decision to strike his name from the presidential ballot. As we’ve noted, there are many unknowns about just how the Court might respond, though it seems almost inconceivable that the Court won’t make a decision which forces Trump’s name back on the ballot.

But let’s at least consider the possibility that it doesn’t, that the Court allows Colorado and presumably Maine to keep Trump off the ballot. What then? Does this really have practical significance for the 2024 election?

Continue reading “Trump Disqualification and Setting Your Expectations”

Trump’s Latest Gambit In Jan. 6 Case Already Kinda Worked

A lot of things happened. Here are some of the things. This is TPM’s Morning Memo. Sign up for the email version.

C-O-N-T-E-M-P-T

I’ve mentioned before that Special Counsel Jack Smith’s move of continuing to make some filings in the Jan. 6 case even while it’s on hold is a little stunt-ish. But leave it to Donald Trump to out-stunt anyone.

The latest gambit from Trump asks U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan to hold Smith and his team in contempt of court, arguing that the filings are an “outrageous” end-run around Chutkan’s order staying the case. It should be noted here that Smith has been open in previous filings to the court about what he planned to do, and Chutkan didn’t attempt to head it off.

Most legal observers think this motion is going nowhere, but that’s probably not the point of this exercise. As Ryan Reilly noted, the Trump motion “appears intended to get ‘Jack Smith’ and ‘contempt’ in a bunch of headlines.” It worked:

Headline Fail Of The Week

The worst headline of the week belongs to … [drum roll] … the Associated Press:

One attack, two interpretations: Biden and Trump both make the Jan. 6 riot a political rallying cry

Congratulations!

The Pounding Was Brutal

Keep An Eye On SCOTUS Today

The Supreme Court could decided as early as today whether to take up the Colorado Disqualification Clause case. A good rundown from Roger Parloff on what to look for.

What Will SCOTUS Do With The DQ Case?

More Disqualification Clause Cases In the Pipeline

Free Speech For People, one of the groups spearheading the movement to use the Disqualification Clause to keep Donald Trump off the 2024 ballot, has initiated proceedings in two new states:

Video Of Trump Co-Defendant’s Earlier Arrest

Before Trump co-defendant Harrison Floyd was indicted in the Georgia RICO case, he had already been arrested in Maryland for allegedly assaulting two FBI agents who tried to served a subpoena on him as part of Special Counsel Jack Smith investigation. Politico has obtained the body cam footage of that arrest:

The Emoluments That Keep On Giving

Democrats on the House Oversight Committee put out a new report showing that Donald Trump’s businesses received nearly $8 million from foreign governments while he was in office. If you enjoy irony, this is for you.

Merit Is Code For Power

The always-essential Tressie McMillan Cottom, on Claudine Gay and the debacle at Harvard:

Academicians and practitioners know that you cannot operationalize merit. But historians know that there is powerful evidence about merit in the archives of our nation’s elite institutions. Whenever politicians, activists and investors agree that there is a merit crisis at Harvard, it signals that a battle rages, not over rigor, but over power.

What The Most Right-Wing Appeals Court Hath Wrought

TPM’s Kate Riga: The 5th Circuit Will Not Have The Last Word On Abortion In Emergency Rooms

Florida May Be Next Abortion Battleground

Florida advocates are on the verge of securing enough signatures to get a proposed constitutional amendment protecting abortion rights on the 2024 general election ballot.

‘We Should Not Ignore It’

Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-TX) on a roll:

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Texas Thinks The Supreme Court Will Let It Have Its Own Immigration Regime

As of this week, the Biden administration has two blossoming legal disputes with Texas, both of which may end up before a hostile Supreme Court and both of which deal with issues core to federalism in the U.S.

Continue reading “Texas Thinks The Supreme Court Will Let It Have Its Own Immigration Regime”

New Poll Shows Haley and Trump Neck ‘n Neck in NH

I just saw that there’s a new ARG poll out this afternoon showing Donald Trump at 37% and Nikki Haley at 33% in New Hampshire. Christie is at 10% and Dead Bounce Ron is at 5%, if you’re a completist. This spurs me to share with you an editorial conversation we were just having about how we’re going to cover, how much of our editorial resources we’re going to put toward, the primaries in the next couple months. Can Haley beat Trump in New Hampshire? Do we care or does it matter if she does?

Continue reading “New Poll Shows Haley and Trump Neck ‘n Neck in NH”