Kristi Noem Fast-Tracked Millions in Disaster Aid to Florida Tourist Attraction After Campaign Donor Intervened

This story first appeared at ProPublica, a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

For months, the complaints have rolled in from parts of the country hit by natural disasters: The Federal Emergency Management Agency was moving far too slowly in sending aid to communities ravaged by floods and hurricanes, including in central Texas and North Carolina. Many officials were blaming Kristi Noem, the homeland security secretary, whose agency oversees FEMA.

“I can’t get phone calls back,” Ted Budd, the Republican senator from North Carolina, told a newspaper this month, describing his attempts to reach Noem’s office. “I can’t get them to initiate the money. It’s just a quagmire.” The delays were caused in part by a new policy announced by DHS that requires Noem’s personal sign-off on expenses over $100,000, several news outlets reported.

But records obtained by ProPublica show how one locality found a way to get FEMA aid more quickly: It asked one of Noem’s political donors for help.

The records show that Noem quickly expedited more than $11 million of federal money to rebuild a historic pier in Naples, Florida, after she was contacted by a major financial supporter last month. The pier is a tourist attraction in the wealthy Gulf Coast enclave and was badly damaged by Hurricane Ian in 2022.

Frustrated city officials had been laboring for months, without success, to get disaster assistance. But just two weeks after the donor stepped in, they were celebrating their sudden change of fortune. “We are now at warp speed with FEMA,” one city official wrote in an email. A FEMA representative wrote: “Per leadership instruction, pushing project immediately.”

Along with fast-tracking the money, Noem flew to Naples on a government plane to tour the pier herself. She then stayed for the weekend and got dinner with the donor, local cardiologist Sinan Gursoy, at the French restaurant Bleu Provence, according to records and an interview with the Naples mayor. This account is based on text messages and emails ProPublica obtained through public records requests.

Noem’s actions in Naples suggest the injection of political favoritism into an agency tasked with saving lives and rebuilding communities wiped out by disaster. It also heightens concerns about the discretion Noem has given herself by personally handling all six-figure expenses at the agency, consolidating her power over who wins and loses in the pursuit of federal relief dollars, experts said.

Jeffrey Schlegelmilch, director of the National Center for Disaster Preparedness at Columbia University, said that politics has long been a factor in federal disaster relief — one study found that swing states are more likely to get federal help, for example. But “I’ve not heard of anything this egregious — a donor calling up and saying I need help and getting it,” he said, “while others may be getting denied assistance or otherwise waiting in line for help that may or may not come.”

In a statement, DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said, “This has nothing to do with politics: Secretary Noem also visited Ruidoso, NM” — where floods killed three people in July — “at the request of a Democrat governor and has been integral in supporting and speeding up their recovery efforts.”

“Your criticizing the Secretary’s visit to the Pier is bizarre as she works to fix this issue for more than 1 million visitors that used to visit the pier,” McLaughlin added. She did not answer questions about the donor’s role in expediting the funding or Noem’s relationship with him. Reached by phone, Gursoy said “get lost” and hung up. He did not respond to detailed follow up questions.

Noem has been criticized for creating a bottleneck at FEMA. When the floods hit Texas this summer — ultimately killing over 100 people — it took days to deploy critical search-and-rescue teams because Noem hadn’t signed off on them, according to CNN. Budd, the Republican senator, said this month: “Pretty much everything Helene-related is over $100,000. So they’re stacking up on her desk waiting for her signature.”

Noem has denied there were delays in the Texas flood response and has defended her expense policy, saying it has saved billions of dollars. “Every day I get up and I think, the American people are paying for this, should they?” she recently said. “And are these dollars doing what the law says they should be doing? I’m going to make sure that they go there.”

Once a sleepy fishing town, Naples is now home to CEOs and billionaires (a property listed for $295 million recently made headlines as the most expensive home in the U.S.). The city is known as an important stop for Republican politicians raising money, and Noem has held multiple fundraisers in the area. State credit card records suggest she visited Naples at least 10 times during her last four years as South Dakota governor.

Noem’s top adviser, Corey Lewandowski, also appears to own a home in Naples near the city’s pier, according to property tax records. Lewandowski is an unpaid staffer at DHS serving as Noem’s de facto chief of staff. (Media reports have alleged the two are romantically involved, which they have both denied.) Lewandowski told ProPublica that he was not involved in the pier decision and that he was not in Naples during Noem’s visit.

For the first seven months of the Trump administration, the pier reconstruction was in bureaucratic purgatory. The city had long been struggling to secure the regulatory approvals it needed to start building, and emails suggest Trump’s wave of federal layoffs had made the process even slower. “These agencies are undergoing significant reorganizations and staff reductions,” a city official told a frustrated constituent in early August. That “sometimes means starting over with new reviewers — something we’ve faced more than once.”

McLaughlin said “both past FEMA and the City bear responsibility” for the delays. She listed “several failures” since the process started in 2023, including “FEMA staff changing up” and indecision by the city government.

By this summer, Naples officials were getting desperate. In June, one tried to enlist Sen. Rick Scott, R-Fla., to press FEMA to move ahead. “We were told yesterday that Secretary Noem would have to ‘personally’ approve the Pier project before FEMA funding would be obligated,” the city official wrote to the senator’s staff. The Naples mayor, Teresa Heitmann, also personally wrote to FEMA. Heitmann said she was “perplexed” by the delays and begged the agency for guidance.

Heitmann had long been paying expensive Washington consultants to help her city navigate the process. But she was “feeling increasingly helpless,” she later said, until she had the idea that would finally put her project on the fast track. On July 18, the mayor emailed a Google search to herself: “Who is the head of Homeland security?” She was going to go straight to Noem.

Heitmann determined that her best bet for getting Noem’s attention was Gursoy. A Naples cardiologist, Gursoy has no obvious experience working with the federal government; much of his online footprint centers on his enthusiasm for pinball. But Gursoy gave Noem at least $25,000 to support her campaign for governor in 2022. That was enough to put him near the top of Noem’s disclosed donor list. (In South Dakota, campaign contributions remain relatively small.)

On planning documents for the 2024 Republican National Convention obtained by ProPublica, the Florida doctor is listed as an attendee affiliated with the delegation from South Dakota, a state he has no apparent connection to besides his support for Noem. Heitmann told ProPublica that Gursoy introduced her to Noem at a political event at a private home in Naples while Noem was governor.

“Hello it’s Teresa,” the mayor texted Gursoy in early August. “I really need your help.” She explained the tangle of bureaucracy she’d been contending with. “FEMA is holding us up,” Heitmann wrote. “Kristi Noem could put some fire under the FEMA employees slacking.”

Gursoy responded: “Okay. I will get on it.”

The next week, on Aug. 11, the doctor gave Heitmann an update. “Kristi was off for a few days for the first time in a long time, so I left her alone,” he said. “I just txted her now.” Within 24 hours, he had exciting news. He told the mayor to expect a call from Noem’s “FEMA fixer” shortly.

The identity of the “fixer” is not clear, but by Aug. 27, Naples officials were seeing a “flurry of activity” from Noem’s agency. That day, a FEMA staffer told the city that “FEMA is intending to expedite the funding” for the pier. “Secretary Noem took immediate action when I reached out to ask for help,” the mayor soon posted on Facebook.

Two days later, Noem flew to Naples. Her schedule listed a 30-minute walk-through at the pier with the mayor, followed by a nail salon appointment and dinner at Bleu Provence, which serves wagyu short ribs and seared foie gras. Noem then stayed through the weekend at the four-star Naples Bay Resort & Marina. Heitmann told ProPublica she wasn’t at the French dinner but Gursoy was. “I didn’t ask her to come, but she showed up,” the mayor told the local news. “I was very impressed.”

Before she left town, Noem posted about the Naples pier on Instagram. She was finally getting the project back on track, she said. “Americans deserve better than years of red tape and failed disaster responses,” Noem wrote. “Under @POTUS Trump, this incompetency ends.”

DHS did not answer questions about whether the government paid for Noem’s weekend in Naples.

Do you have any information we should know about Kristi Noem, Corey Lewandowski or DHS? Josh Kaplan can be reached by email at joshua.kaplan@propublica.org and by Signal or WhatsApp at 734-834-9383. Justin Elliott can be reached by email at justin@propublica.org and by Signal or WhatsApp at 774-826-6240.

Trump Thoroughly Corrupts DOJ, Forcing It To Eat One of Its Own

A lot of things happened. Here are some of the things. This is TPM’s Morning Memo. Sign up for the email version.

With Fear and Favor

Donald Trump’s corruption of the Justice Department came to its fullest fruition last evening with the bogus indictment of former FBI Director James Comey.

Retooled by Trump to eat one of its own, the Justice Department now serves as a sword for the president to use against his perceived foes and as a shield of himself and his cronies. In just eight months, Trump has decimated a department that prized legal professionalism, was proud of its history of defending the marginalized, and was universally respected by the courts.

The two-count indictment handed down by a grand jury in the Eastern District of Virginia is remarkably bare bones, but it stems from Comey’s September 30, 2020 Zoom testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee about the investigation into the connections between Russia and Trump’s 2016 campaign.

But the ostensible basis for the indictment and the arduous process ahead of a criminal trial should not obscure the fundamental corruption of President Trump in firing his own U.S. attorney who wouldn’t seek an indictment and then siccing Lindsey Halligan, his former personal lawyer, on Comey. It is all of a piece with Trump abusing the powers of his office for a wide-ranging campaign of retribution against investigators, prosecutors, and political adversaries.

The Trump Justice Department no longer upholds the law without fear or favor, a loss of a vital democratic tradition for which Trump will forever bear responsibility.

Succinct and to the Point 👏

The NYT, to its credit, framed the corrupt prosecution of Comey almost perfectly:

An inexperienced prosecutor loyal to President Trump, in the job for less than a week, filed criminal charges against one of her boss’s most-reviled opponents. She did so not only at Mr. Trump’s direct command, but also against the urging of both her own subordinates and her predecessor, who had just been fired for raising concerns that there was insufficient evidence to indict.

Not a Clean Win With the Grand Jury

The grand jury rejected the first count of the original three-count indictment it was presented, forcing prosecutors to present a revised two-count indictment for its consideration. The original Count I (in an indictment misnumbered with two Count IIs) was an additional false statement to Congress charge.

U.S. Magistrate Judge Lindsey R. Vaala, to whom the indictment was presented in court, expressed puzzlement over the dueling documents, the WaPo reports:

“This has never happened before. I’ve been handed two documents … with a discrepancy,” Vaala said. “I’m a little confused why I was handed two things … that were inconsistent.”

Halligan said at the lectern she hadn’t seen the first indictment that was rejected, but Vaala noted Halligan appeared to have signed that original document.

Halligan, who has no experience as a prosecutor, reportedly presented the case to the grand jury personally, an unusual move for a U.S. attorney. She did so after being presented with a memo by prosecutors in her office that pointed to the weak evidence against Comey, the WaPo reported.

Comey Draws a Biden Appointee As Judge

The judge assigned to the case is Biden appointee Michael Nachmanoff, who sits in Alexandria, Virginia. Nachmanoff was a federal public defender for more than a decade before becoming a magistrate judge in 2015. Biden appointed him as a district judge in 2021.

Comey: ‘We Will Not Live on Our Knees’

Somber but spirited, Comey posted a video on social media responding to the indictment about an hour after it was returned:

Comey’s Son-in-Law Resigns From DOJ

Troy A. Edwards Jr., who is married to Comey’s daughter Maurene (who is suing the Justice Department for her wrongful termination in July), was serving under Halligan as the deputy chief of the national security section in the Eastern District of Virginia U.S. attorney’s office. Edwards resigned from the Justice Department after the Comey indictment was handed down. He was spotted on the first row in the courtroom gallery last evening when the indictment was presented to a judge.

BREAKING Troy Edwards, James Comey’s son-in-law, has resigned from the Department of Justice. Edward’s as a prosecutor in the same office that just indicted his father-in-law.

Yashar Ali 🐘 (@yasharali.bsky.social) 2025-09-26T00:44:00.151Z

The Gang Is Back: Pat Fitzgerald Edition

Comey friend Patrick Fitzgerald, the longtime U.S. attorney in Chicago who was the special counsel in the Valerie Plame case, will be representing Comey in his criminal defense. Fitzgerald entered his appearance in the case late yesterday along with Jessica Carmichael, who is local counsel in Virginia.

“Jim Comey denies the charges filed today in their entirety,” Fitzgerald said in a statement. “We look forward to vindicating him in the courtroom.”

Comey is scheduled to be arraigned on Oct. 9.

Trump: ‘Comey’s a Bad Person. He’s a Sick Person.’

President Trump feigned a hands-off approach to the Comey indictment earlier in the day even as he belied the truth of the matter by lashing out at him yet again:

Trump on the possible Comey indictment: "I think I'd be allowed to get involved if I want."

Aaron Rupar (@atrupar.com) 2025-09-25T16:10:19.286Z

This morning, Trump chimed in post-indictment, in ways that are singularly unhelpful to actually winning a conviction since its more fodder for Comey’s vindictive prosecution argument:

Quote of the Day

“What we are seeing is the almost wholesale collapse of the Justice Department as an organization based on the rule of law.”–former DOJ official Alan Z. Rozenshtein, now a law professor at the University of Minnesota

The Challenge of Covering Corrupt Prosecutions

I talked with Greg Sargent (before the news of the Comey indictment broke) about yesterday’s Morning Memo, the challenge of covering political prosecutions, and the dangerous moment we’re in. You can listen here:

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Every Living Former Fed Chair is Urging the Supreme Court to Stop Trump from Removing Lisa Cook

Every living former Federal Reserve Chair, from Alan Greenspan to Janet Yellen, signed on to an amicus brief urging the Supreme Court not to allow President Donald Trump to remove Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook while her case against the president moves through the courts. Allowing Trump to remove Cook as she challenges his attempt to fire her, the former officials said, would amount to a severe compromise of the Fed’s independence and risk the reputational trustworthiness of the central bank.

The former Fed chairs were joined by former Department of Treasury secretaries, former Fed governors, and other federal economists and officials.

In the Thursday friend-of-the-court filing, officials presented a series arguments in favor of central bank independence, pointing to stability of the U.S. dollar and more controls on inflation, borrowing costs, and maximum employment.

“Granting the government’s request to remove Governor Cook from the Board immediately would … expose the Federal Reserve to political influences, thereby eroding public confidence in the Fed’s independence and jeopardizing the credibility and efficacy of U.S. monetary policy,” the 26-page brief states.

If the public loses confidence in the independence of the central bank, its ability to maintain low and stable inflation would be compromised, the former officials said: “​​Because the stability of long-run inflation expectations is a necessary condition for stable inflation, the Federal Reserve will no longer be able to perform its statutorily mandated objective if its independence is threatened.”

The former officials also called into question any government strategy that compromises central bank independence in favor of “small, short-run gains,” which ultimately result in “substantial long-term harm.”

Later in the brief, they pointed to the recent case of Turkey’s President Tayyip Erdoğan who fired several central bank leaders, ordered a lowering of interest rates, and saw inflation reach 85%. Turkey’s economy had nothing positive to show for it, the brief says.

While Trump’s comments are not explicitly mentioned in the brief, the president has vehemently, publicly urged the Fed to dramatically cut interest rates to lower borrowing costs without consideration of whether such a reduction reflects a data-informed policy decision. Indeed, in several speeches since Trump retook office, Fed Chair Jerome Powell has cited economic data about rising prices and slowing employment in the central bank’s policy decisions. Thursday’s filing warns about the ways similar political pressures on central banks in other countries have weakened economies.

Trump tried to fire Cook in August in a further escalation of his attacks on the Federal Reserve, its governors and its chair. Bill Pulte, Trump’s director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency, posted a criminal complaint on X accusing Cook of committing mortgage fraud, something tax officials in both municipalities where she owns homes have denied. It’s part of a strategy from the Trump White House to disingenuously accuse the president’s political enemies of misrepresenting their primary residences on mortgage documents to obtain more favorable interest rates. Despite mounting evidence to the contrary, the White House has maintained Trump has the right to fire Cook “for cause.”

The bipartisan list of 18 former officials spanned the Reagan administration to the Biden administration, and further included former two-term Fed Chair Ben Bernanke, Jared Bernstein, former Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under former President Joe Biden, and Robert Rubin, former Treasury Secretary under former President Bill Clinton.

White House Tries to Smush Dems’ Backbone With Threats of Mass Firings During Gov’t Shutdown

Democrats are using what little power they have in the Senate as a government shutdown nears to hold the Trump administration to account for some of its abuse of power. Specifically, they are trying to force the executive branch to let the legislative branch do its job, demanding, in exchange for their votes to avert a shutdown, it stop seizing from senators their power to set spending levels. The White House’s response? Threatening to conduct mass firings of federal workers unless Democrats cave and help Republicans pass a stopgap measure to keep the government open without concessions.

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RFK Jr. Finally Gets Around to Bringing His War on Medical Science to Abortion

In a way, it’s surprising it took this long. 

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. finally acceded to the anti-abortion movement, alerting Republican attorneys general last week that the Food and Drug Administration has begun a review of the “safety profile” of mifepristone. 

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Let It Begin — The Real Fights Are Finally Coming Into View

I have a growing sense of optimism about the political situation in the United States. But it’s not necessarily because I’m more confident about the outcomes, though I am that too. It is more that on a number of fronts the actual fight is coming into the open. Who knows who wins or gets the better of it. But the things the Trump opposition is actually talking about are getting put on the table. And they’re at the center of the table, with everyone watching. They’re fights to get attention and attention outside of the normal political space.

The Jimmy Kimmel Brouhaha is one example of this, which I discussed earlier this week. The impending budget fight is another. I’m also seeing more and more examples of Democrats telling corporations, laws firms and others that Trump won’t be in power forever, and that when that time comes they’ll need to answer for conspiring with President Trump against the American people. Minority Leader Jeffries made clear that when Democrats are in power they’ll hold people accountable for participating in Trump’s pay-to-play schemes.

Continue reading “Let It Begin — The Real Fights Are Finally Coming Into View”

Trump’s Retribution Requires a New Way of Covering Bogus Criminal Cases

A lot of things happened. Here are some of the things. This is TPM’s Morning Memo. Sign up for the email version.

The Old Journalism Doesn’t Work in the Current Moment

With the not-at-all-surprising-but-still-dismaying news that newly appointed U.S. Attorney Lindsey Halligan will seek an indictment of former FBI Director James Comey on bogus charges of lying to Congress after her predecessor declined to do so, it’s a good time to do a reset ahead of the anticipated wave of Trump-driven political prosecutions.

Let’s start with a few foundational observations:

(1) Lindsey Halligan was appointed U.S. attorney specifically to prosecute Trump foes Comey and Letitia James. Trump didn’t force out the prior U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia for failing to exact retribution against his adversaries, only to turn around and appoint someone who would similarly demur.

(2) Any prosecution of Trump foes is presumptively corrupt. In rare instances, that presumption might be overcome by overwhelming evidence of wrongdoing combined with elaborate demonstrations of good faith and proper procedure. But don’t hold your breath.

(3) The traditional journalistic practices for covering criminal investigations and prosecutions are not up to the task of dealing squarely with a president hijacking the Justice Department and using it to, variously, punish his political foes, reward his allies, and cover up his own corruption and that of those around him.

I start from these premises not because they answer every question — they don’t — but because they begin to offer some clarity by framing up the right questions and avoiding the wrong ones.

The key thing to remember is that we’re already well beyond the event horizon in the corruption of the Justice Department. If federal judges, having dispensed with the presumption of regularity in the functioning of the government, no longer give the Justice Department the benefit of the doubt in court, then we shouldn’t either.

The implications of that shift are enormous, but too many editors and producers are not fully grappling with them yet.

Among other things, leaked federal law enforcement details about crimes — which have formed the backbone of news coverage, especially in the pre-charging phase — can’t be taken at anything close to face value anymore (and perhaps never should have been). Social media posts by top officials, including the president himself, are not reliable, and rebroadcasting them as straight news no longer serves a public purpose. That’s not to mention the utterly unreliable real-time social media posts by a groveling FBI director trying to flatter the president and please the White House.

The incremental drip-by-drip news coverage of criminal cases, especially in public corruption cases — a highly competitive news environment that rewards the best access and quickest trigger fingers — now does a public disservice. Continuing to cover bogus prosecutions in the traditional ways gives a veneer of legitimacy to what should be framed instead as illegitimate retribution, abuse of power, and public corruption in its own right.

If for days, weeks, and months in advance of charges being brought, news outlets allow themselves to be used to parcel out each investigative development and procedural step in a politicized prosecution, then they’re letting themselves be co-opted by the bad faith actors in service of smearing the putative target. If the average news consumer is seeing the same old headlines they’ve always seen in the run-up to an indictment, how are they to process it as anything other than a normal prosecution?

When prosecutions are driven by naked political considerations, as they are in the Trump DOJ, then every morsel of information is at risk of being part of the underlying propaganda effort to frame the target as a villain, to tar them as criminal, and to exact maximum extra-judicial punishment in the court of public opinion. Editors and producers had a chance to learn these lessons from, among other examples, the Trump I prosecutions of Michael Sussmann and Igor Danchenko, who were ultimately acquitted, and the corrupt pardons of those legitimately convicted in the Russia investigation. Distressingly, the lessons didn’t stick.

If the old way of covering criminal cases clearly no longer works, the new way is concededly less clear.

Take the presumptively bogus prosecution of former Trump I national security adviser John Bolton. He’s been a Trump target and foe for years. Trump threatened to retaliate against him and now has. But what if the Justice Department has a colorable case against Bolton? Two still-independent magistrate judges signed off on the search warrants of his D.C.-area home and office. If the case against Bolton was initiated with a corrupt predicate — Trump’s desire for retribution — but Bolton did in fact retain documents and information in violation of law (which he denies, I should note), how should that be covered?

The answer can’t be to ignore court proceedings entirely. Those proceedings, more than anything else, may reveal the corrupt nature of the prosecution. And yet, the advantage (as it always has) still runs toward the government in these scenarios. Court filings unsealed this week showed the inventory of things that the FBI recovered from Bolton’s home and office. Among them, allegedly, were documents with classification markings.

You can cover the Bolton case like you might have the Sandy Berger case, another national security adviser involved in unauthorized retention of national security documents. But you would, of course, be mostly missing the point. Or you could cover the Bolton prosecution as corrupt, as it certainly is. Or you could attempt to cover it as both, not an easy choice given the inherent tensions in the framing, the confusion it could create in readers, and the fact that actual wrongdoing by the target doesn’t justify a corrupt predicate to the investigation.

I hate to urge something as anodyne as greater awareness of the inadequacies of the old way of covering criminal cases, but for now it’s a start. And perhaps it’s less about amorphous awareness and more about basic humility. We’re up against a terrifyingly corrupt president abetted by a deeply compromised Supreme Court. It’s going to take new tools and different applications of the old tools to confront the threat we face. No shame in that.

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Trump Admin Immediately Politicizes Killing of Immigrant Detainees in Texas

As we saw in the immediate aftermath of Charlie Kirk’s assassination earlier this month, the Trump administration is looking to markings on bullets and grasping at any other early information they can grab ahold of to blame some amorphous, leftist, anti-Trump entity for another act of violence.

Continue reading “Trump Admin Immediately Politicizes Killing of Immigrant Detainees in Texas”

Trump Ups the Ante and Says It Was Him All Along

For the last 48 hours or so, Trump’s toadies and martinets have been putting on a performance which is one half gaslighting, one half effort to create a bit of distance between FCC Chair Brendan Carr’s extortion and ABC’s decision to (now-temporarily) pull Jimmy Kimmel off the air. Then, late last night, President Trump busted all of their knees by insisting it was him doing it all along and says now he’s going to go to war even harder against ABC/Disney for having the temerity to bring Kimmel back after (Trump claims) telling him they canceled his show.

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