Worker Strikes And Union Elections Surged In 2022

This article is part of TPM Cafe, TPM’s home for opinion and news analysis. It was originally published at The Conversation.

Workers organized and took to the picket line in increased numbers in 2022 to demand better pay and working conditions, leading to optimism among labor leaders and advocates that they’re witnessing a turnaround in labor’s sagging fortunes.

Teachers, journalists and baristas were among the tens of thousands of workers who went on strike — and it took an act of Congress to prevent 115,000 railroad employees from walking out as well. In total, there have been at least 20 major work stoppages involving at least 1,000 workers each in 2022, up from 16 in 2021, and hundreds more that were smaller.

At the same time, workers at Starbucks, Amazon, Apple and dozens of other companies filed over 2,000 petitions to form unions during the year — the most since 2015. Workers won 76% of the 1,363 elections that were held.

Historically, however, these figures are pretty tepid. The number of major work stoppages has been plunging for decades, from nearly 200 as recently as 1980, while union elections typically exceeded 5,000 a year before the 1980s. As of 2021, union membership was at about the lowest level on record, at 10.3%. In the 1950s, over 1 in 3 workers belonged to a union.

As a labor scholar, I agree that the evidence shows a surge in union activism. The obvious question is: Do these developments manifest a tipping point?

Signs of increased union activism

First, let’s take a closer look at 2022.

The most noteworthy sign of labor’s revival has been the rise in the number of petitions filed with the National Labor Relations Board. In fiscal year 2022, which ended in September, workers filed 2,072 petitions, up 63% from the previous year. Starbucks workers alone filed 354 of these petitions, winning the vast majority of the elections held. In addition, employees at companies historically deemed untouchable by unions, including Apple, Microsoft and Wells Fargo, also scored wins.

The increase in strike activity is also important. And while the major strikes that involve 1,000 or more employees and are tracked by the Bureau of Labor Statistics arouse the greatest attention, they represent only the tip of the iceberg.

The bureau recorded 20 major strikes in 2022, which is about 25% more than the average of 16 a year over the past two decades. Examples of these major strikes include the recent one-day New York Times walkout, two strikes in California involving more than 3,000 workers at health care company Kaiser Permanente, 2,100 workers at Frontier Communications and 48,000 workers at the University of California.

Since 2021, Cornell University has been keeping track of any labor action, however small, and found that there were a total of 385 strikes in calendar year 2022, up from 270 in the previous year. In total, these reported strikes have occurred in nearly 600 locations in 19 states., signifying the geographic breadth of activism.

Historical parallels

Of course, these figures are still quite low by historical standards.

I believe two previous spikes in the early 20th century offer some clues as to whether recent events could lead to sustained gains in union membership.

From 1934 to 1939, union membership soared from 7.6% to 19.2%. A few years later, from 1941 to 1945, membership climbed from 20% to 27%.

Both spikes occurred during periods of national and global upheaval. The first spike came in the latter half of the Great Depression, when unemployment in the U.S. reached as high as a quarter of the workforce. Economic deprivation and a lack of workplace protections led to widespread political and social activism and sweeping efforts to organize workers in response. It also contributed to the enactment of the National Labor Relations Act in 1935, which stimulated organizing in the industrial sector.

The second jump came as the U.S. mobilized the economy to fight a two-front war in Europe and Asia. National economic mobilization to support the war led to growth in manufacturing employment, where unions had been making substantial gains. Government wartime policy encouraged unionization as part of a bargain for industrial peace during the war.

Inequality and pandemic heroes

Today’s situation is a far cry from the economic misery of the Great Depression or the social upheaval of a global war, but there are some parallels worth exploring.

Overall unemployment may be near record lows, but economic inequality is higher than it was during the Depression. The top 10% of households hold over 68% of the wealth in the U.S. In 1936, this was about 47%.

In addition, the top 0.1% of wage earners experienced a nearly 390% increase in real wages from 1979 to 2020, versus a meager 28.2% pay hike for the bottom 90%. And employment in manufacturing, where unions had gained a stronghold in the 1940s and 1950s, slipped over 33% from 1979 to 2022.

Another parallel to the two historical precedents concerns national mobilization. The pandemic required a massive response in early 2020, as workers in industries deemed essential, such as health care, public safety and food and agriculture, bore the brunt of its impact, earning them the label “heroes” for their efforts. In such an environment, workers began to appreciate more the protections they derived from unions for occupational safety and health, eventually helping birth much-hyped recent labor trends like the “great resignation” and “quiet quitting.”

A stacked deck

Ultimately, however, the deck is still heavily stacked against unions, with unsupportive labor laws and very few employers showing real receptivity to having a unionized workforce.

And unions are limited in how much they can change public policy or the structure of the U.S. economy that makes unionization difficult. Reforming labor law through legislation has remained elusive, and the results of the 2022 midterms are not likely to make it any easier.

This makes me unconvinced that recent signs of progress represent a turning point.

An ace up labor’s sleeve may be public sentiment. Support for labor is at its highest since 1965, with 71% saying they approve of unions, according to a Gallup poll in August. And workers themselves are increasingly showing an interest in joining them. In 2017, 48% of workers polled said they would vote for union representation, up from 32% in 1995, the last time this question was asked.

Future success may depend on unions’ ability to tap into their growing popularity and emulate the recent wins at Starbucks and Amazon, as well as the successful “Fight for $15” campaign, which since 2012 has helped pass $15 minimum wage laws in a dozen states and Washington, D.C.

The odds may be steep, but the seeds of opportunity are there if labor is able to exploit them.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The Conversation

McCarthy Finally Gets Gavel After Losing 14 Speakership Votes 

After a bruising few days and a gauntlet of failed votes, Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) finally became speaker of the House just after midnight on Saturday. 

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The Real Battle

Events last night and especially over the last 20 minutes or so should remind us of a basic reality. This drama is not an ideological fight within the Republican Party. It’s a argument within the Freedom Caucus about which person they will choose for speaker who, in turn, has to do exactly what they tell him to do. That sounds cheeky. And it may be. But it’s the reality of the situation. It’s Freedom Caucus players who are the key people on both sides of the contest. It now seems like McCarthy’s advocates in the Freedom Caucus are carrying the day.

I’m pretty sure what the negotiators are having to agree to are deals that not only greatly limit the powers of Kevin McCarthy as speaker but significantly hardwired the House to be controlled by the Freedom Caucus. The argument here is about which Freedom Caucus faction could best secure that outcome.

CPAC Organizer Matt Schlapp Accused Of Unwanted Sexual Contact

Republican activist Matt Schlapp has been accused of making “sustained and unwanted and unsolicited” sexual advances toward a staffer for Herschel Walker’s Senate campaign, the Daily Beast reported on Wednesday night. According to the staffer, whose identity the Daily Beast withheld, the incident occurred while he was driving Schlapp back to a Hilton Garden Inn from an Atlanta bar on Oct. 19.

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Two Years After An Explosion Of Rage And Fear

It is two years later.

I was there that day and addressing what happened has been a major part of my life ever since. On the ground at the Capitol, it was instantly apparent how deadly it could have been and how dangerous it was for the country. It was also unmistakably organized.

In the weeks and months after the attack, I focused on doing all I could to expose the highest levels of that coordination. Even as I busied myself, I could feel how much the experience of being there had shaken me. In recent years, I have covered a lot of political violence. That comes with a gnawing worry about the state and stability of our country, but January 6 added something else.

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Trump Ineligible to Serve As Speaker

TPM Reader JO makes a point I confess had not occurred to me. If Republicans again place Donald Trump’s name in nomination to serve as the next speaker, Democrats should raise a point of order that Trump is in fact ineligible to serve as speaker under the 14th Amendment because he previously “engaged in insurrection” against the United States. The Constitution placed essentially no qualifications on potential speakers. They do not have to be members of Congress. But the 14th Amendment prohibition clearly trumps that open door by disqualifying anyone who has engaged in insurrection or rebellion from holding “any office, civil or military, under the United States.” That unquestionably includes the speakership, one of only a handful of federal offices explicitly created by the constitutional text. If Trump engaged in insurrection, he is clearly ineligible to serve as speaker.

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Ukraine’s Schools Are A Key Front In The Fight For The Nation’s Future

This article is part of TPM Cafe, TPM’s home for opinion and news analysis. It was originally published at The Conversation.

When Russian missiles struck Ukraine’s capital city of Kyiv on New Year’s Eve, the damaged buildings included a university and at least two schools.

As a researcher who is studying the role of culture and education in this war — and as co-author of a book based on my research on Ukrainians’ resilience; that is, their ability to carry on despite adversity — I see these attacks as part of a broader and long-standing effort to dismantle Ukraine’s schools and ultimately remake them as subservient to Russian interests.

Despite the attacks, at the start of the school year in September 2022, 51% of Ukrainian schools opened for in-person education, with an option for remote instruction if parents wanted it for their children. The fact that children are returning to school at all in the midst of this war is remarkable.

Nearly a year into the war, a look at how Ukraine has continued to operate its schools offers important insights on how the nation has provided education despite the most adverse circumstances.

A Ukrainian soldier inspects a room in a damaged school building near Kupiansk, Kharkiv region on December 15, 2022.
A Ukrainian serviceman inspects a room in a damaged school building in the liberated village of Petropavlivka, near Kupiansk, Kharkiv region, on Dec. 15, 2022. Sergey Bobok/AFP via Getty Images

A target

From the earliest days of the war, it became clear that schools were a target of Russian forces. On Feb. 27, 2022 — three days into the attack — the United Nations reported that six schools had already been shelled.

Some, like School 21 in Chernihiv, northeast of Kyiv, had been turned into shelters for families during the first days of the war, and painted with the word “CHILDREN” in big letters with the hope that the building would be spared. On March 3, the school was bombed, killing at least nine people, including one student — a 13-year-old boy.

It was by no means a rare or happenstance event. In what I believe is a clear violation of international law, schools across Ukraine are still being destroyed.

As of May 2022, Ukrainian authorities stated that Russia had shelled more than 1,000 schools. By August, that number doubled.

As of Sept. 23, the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine reported that over 2,500 schools had been damaged by the war — 300 of which have been completely destroyed.

Not just physical

Much more than physical safety is at risk as Russia targets institutions of learning. Education is as much a front line of this war as the actual trenches in cities like Bakhmut, Kherson or Kharkiv. Oleksandr Pankieyev, research coordinator at the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta, argues that Russia has “weaponized education.”

This is not new — Russia has waged war on Ukrainian history and identity for hundreds of years: Kyiv Mohyla Academy, founded in Kyiv in the early 1600s, was prohibited from using the Ukrainian language by Catherine the Great in 1763. In 1804, the Ukrainian language was banned in all schools and universities.

In 1876, Czar Alexander II of Russia issued a decree, the Ems Ukaz, banning the use of Ukrainian language in public. The decree also forbade Ukrainian publications, education and the staging of any lectures or theatrical events in Ukrainian.

With its declaration of independence in 1991, Ukraine gained control over its education system. Censorship of the Ukrainian language and study was lifted, and Ukraine was able to revise its school curriculum to include Ukrainian history and literature, and to teach about historical events that had been systematically omitted under Soviet rule, including the Holocaust and the genocidal Holodomor famine.

Now, when Russia occupies a city or town, one of the first things it does is forcibly replace the curriculum with one that is in line with the Kremlin agenda that erases Ukrainian history. Russia does this based on Putin’s claim of the unity of Ukrainian and Russian people, a claim that serves as the basis for the Russian invasion.

There are regular accounts of Russian soldiers ransacking civilian homes, not searching for weapons, but for books. Ukrainian language books, history books, textbooks and school laptops are among the items confiscated and destroyed.

Russian occupiers threaten to remove the parental rights of parents who refuse to send their children to designated “Russified” schools. Teachers are sent to Moscow for “certification” in the Russified curriculum. Teachers have resisted these attempts, refusing to collaborate despite the danger to their lives.

Returning to schools

At the beginning of the war, school districts and civic organizations like Saved Schools developed plans that addressed specific local circumstances.

The town of Bohdanivka, near Kyiv, for example, was occupied by Russia for 20 days in March 2022. During that time, the school was closed and converted into a base for the Russian military. When Ukrainian forces liberated the city, Russian soldiers torched the school building. Determined to keep students in school, local authorities resumed education in alternate places in the town, such as the public library or cultural center, for its 300 students.

By mid-March, schooling had resumed in most of Ukraine. The All-Ukrainian Online School was created by the Ukrainian government for students to ensure that all of them have access to education under all conditions. In regions where internet is not available, the lessons are broadcast on local television.

Bomb shelters and emergency drills

Ukrainian schools were required to build bomb shelters over the summer. Teachers, families and the school children themselves rushed to prepare shelters in time for school to start.. When a shelter is too small to fit all students at once, they attend school in shifts or online, where some are in person and some remote, to ensure safety.

Now, when bombings disrupt power and internet in their school buildings, teachers set up outside, despite the frigid temperatures, to access public internet in order to teach online. They use computers that they charged at invincibility centers equipped with generators for emergency public use.

First aid and counseling

Schools have mounted emergency first aid programs so that students would know how to handle an attack, apply tourniquets and provide other emergency aid. In eastern regions of Ukraine such as Dnipro and Zaporizhya, these training programs began when Russia first invaded in 2014.

Local officials in Kyiv issued instructions for emergency bags for each child, which should contain a card with the child’s full name, emergency contact information, blood group, a flashlight and a container for water.

Psychological support of students is a central concern for parents, teachers and local government administrations, who understand that Russians are intent on occupying not only Ukrainian territory, but Ukrainian minds.

Students’ psychological care takes shape in a variety of ways. The routine and relative normalcy of school is itself a major component of support for students. School spaces are decorated in bright and uplifting colors. Teachers create and teach songs about the importance of self-care.

As Ukrainians defy the odds on the battlefield, they are also fighting to preserve their history and identity. It is a fight for existence, cultural memory, freedom and democracy. In this battle, schools are an indispensable and essential force.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The Conversation