TPM Cafe: Opinion

At the ballot box, there are two different electorates — and the difference between them makes a big difference for policy outcomes.

“Democrats have become increasingly reliant on precisely the groups most likely to sit out midterms, while Republicans score best among those most likely to show up,” says Ron Brownstein, writing in the Atlantic about the difference between presidential-year electorates and midterm electorates like the one politicians face in two weeks.

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With the 2014 midterm elections coming down to their last fortnight (excepting, of course, probable runoffs in Georgia and Louisiana), the spinmeisters are preparing to massively over-interpret the results. Some implications, of course, will be evident or at least plausible. If there’s a big bipartisan repudiation of governors, that would indicate the election was not, after all, a mere “referendum on Obama” but a ballot test for all incumbents sharing in responsibility for “wrong track” conditions.

If Democrats hang onto the Senate, it could be a sign that the election was not as “nationalized” as expected, or inversely, that a national GOTV effort succeeded in helping them overcome the usual “midterm falloff” problem. And if Republicans win Senate control, it will show their ability to take advantage of a very favorable landscape and adjust to unexpected challenges like viable independent candidacies in Kansas and South Dakota, or underwhelming campaigns like those of Thom Tillis and David Perdue.

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Minimum wage debates are stale. Opponents say higher minimum wages kill jobs, while supporters say maintain higher minimums reduce poverty and spur spending, benefitting everyone. But many economists believe both arguments are true: higher minimum wages do cost some jobs, but they also raise the standard of living for large portions of the population.

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“Here at ArborVitae, we recognize that free, timely, top-quality medical services provide indispensable information to women facing unexpected pregnancies who are engaged in what is often a difficult and stressful decision-making process,” reads part of the “Mission and Vision” section of the brochure of a clinic that is located in downtown Ann Arbor, near the campus of the University of Michigan. It’s a location that I know well, having grown up in Ann Arbor and graduated from U of M; in fact, this crisis pregnancy clinic is one floor below a coffee shop where I used to write.

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Over the past couple of weeks, courageous ordinary citizens of Hong Kong are creating a whirlwind of momentum towards staking their claim for a more democratic Chinese society, finally getting another moment in the spotlight nearly 25 years after Tiananmen. Uncertainty rings through the streets of Hong Kong as authorities and protesters alike weigh next steps, as everyone knows that this demonstration will influence political and cultural life in China for years to come. What’s less talked about is how Hong Kong is not an isolated incident: It is joining the ranks of the other landmark participatory democracy movements of our time, a pattern of upheaval witnessed in Tunisia, Egypt, Thailand, Venezuela, and Ukraine.

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The diagnoses of Ebola on U.S. soil brought into sharp focus the weaknesses as well as strengths of the U.S. public health system. Even as national authorities touted America’s capacities to deal with Ebola, the Texas Health Presbyterian Hospital in Dallas, Texas, failed to properly handle a man, avowedly recently arrived from Liberia, who arrived at the emergency room complaining of Ebola symptoms. Thomas Eric Duncan was refused admission for two days, putting dozens of contacts needlessly at risk; and even after he was admitted, family members were left penned up in an infected apartment for nearly a week. When Mr. Duncan died his relatives were left to wonder whether the delay in treatment contributed to his death.

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After a blockbuster debut, the Shonda Rhimes-produced “How to Get Away With Murder” is off to an impressive start. But has its creator, Peter Nowalk, gotten lost in the shuffle?

In its first three weeks, ABC freshman drama “How to Get Away With Murder” has lived up to the expectations that its Thursday night predecessors have set. Like Grey’s Anatomy and “Scandal” before it, it is tightly written, driven by intriguing and complex characters, and leaves viewers wanting more at the end of what we’re positive can’t have been a full hour. And like the programs before it, “How to Get Away With Murder” is earning heaps of praise for Shonda Rhimes. So what’s the problem? It’s not her show.

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