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A Ukrainian friend reached out to me in October, when it was starting to become clear just how difficult it would be for another aid package to get support from congressional Republicans.
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âjosh i can’t believe ww3 could happen because the democrats lost the house in 2020,â the friend, still in Kyiv, wrote. From the Ukrainian perspective, those are the stakes: Russia would keep moving west, or into NATOâs Baltic states, once Ukraine is absorbed.
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That friend was partly reeling from the whiplash at seeing GOP obstruction turned on Ukraine. It wasnât long ago that Republicans seemingly advocated for foreign intervention anywhere and everywhere with all the attendant excesses, it wasnât that long ago that John McCain spoke to pro-EU crowds on Kyivâs central square.
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So, whatâs changed? I spoke to a couple of emissaries from the old, interventionist wing of the GOP. Some of their answers, also blurred through the whiplash, werenât surprising: the personality of Trump and everything that comes with it, polarization which renders every issue a zero sum game.
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But there are deeper reasons here as well. Backlash to the Iraq War on the right is one; another is an affinity for authoritarians and the kind of blunt dominance politics that lead to invading and annexing a weaker neighbors territory.
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That of course goes for Putin and his portrayal of Russiaâs actions as arrayed against western decadence. But itâs also part of what drives the ideological alliance with Viktor Orban. He casts himself as a defender of traditional values, an isle of sanity in a world corrupted by multiculturalism and decadence. His manipulation of his countryâs electoral system and courts to stay in power are a feature of that culture war battle.Â
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Kim Holmes, a former Heritage Foundation executive vice president, told me in blunt terms: itâs not really about Ukraine; itâs about being opposed to liberalism in the âbroadest sense.â
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More on other news below. Let’s dig in.Â