Alice Ollstein

Alice Ollstein is a reporter at Talking Points Memo, covering national politics. She graduated from Oberlin College in 2010 and has been reporting in DC ever since, covering the Supreme Court, Congress and national elections for TV, radio, print, and online outlets. Her work has aired on Free Speech Radio News, All Things Considered, Channel News Asia, and Telesur, and her writing has been published by The Atlantic, La Opinión, and The Hill Rag. She was elected in 2016 as an at-large board member of the DC Chapter of the Society of Professional Journalists. Alice grew up in Santa Monica, California and began working for local newspapers in her early teens.

Articles by Alice

When the Senate voted Monday night to open the floor up to consider proposals to protect 700,000 DACA recipients at risk of losing their legal protections, Democratic senators gushed that they were finally going to have the freewheeling debate they had long craved. Many on both sides assumed the contentious, complicated issue could drag out for weeks.

“I’ve been here seven years and never seen anything like it,” Sen. Chris Coons (D-DE) marveled to TPM Monday night. “Who knows? Democracy may very well break out in here.”

That excitement quickly turned to frustration as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) confirmed Tuesday morning that he wants the entire debate — on the half-dozen-plus competing proposals put forward so far by lawmakers — to be over by the end of the week.

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All presidential budget requests are largely meaningless, because Congress holds the power of the purse, but the budget that the White House released Monday morning matters even less than usual. Last week’s two-year budget bill — passed after a brief overnight government shutdown — will control government spending throughout 2018.

Still, it’s worth noting that, in the White House budget, President Trump is requesting a 21 percent cut to the Department of Health and Human Services — $17.9 billion less than the agency received for 2017. Many of the proposed cuts would be to Medicare and Medicaid, and while the budget request will have little real world effect, it signals where the Trump administration’s priorities lie and what it may attempt in the future.

There was also quite a lot of health care policy in the budget Congress put together that, unlike the White House budget, will dictate government spending for the next two years. The bill included two years of funding for Community Health Centers, which Congress had left by the wayside for months as the rural clinics went into crisis mode. It also provides four additional years of funding for CHIP (which actually saves the government money), and allocates $6 billion to combat the opioid epidemic. (That $6 billion is a lot less than the $45 billion for opioids that was in Republicans’ unsuccessful Obamacare repeal bill last year. The Trump administration, meanwhile, has not steered any money toward the opioid crisis so far.)

The budget also repealed Medicare’s caps on certain types of outpatient therapy, and Obamacare’s never-implemented Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB). The IPAB aimed to keep Medicare’s costs down, but GOPers successfully held the program up by making false claims about it, including that it would create “death panels.”

It was also interesting what health care measures did not make it into the bill — namely, a much-debated set of policies to stabilize Obamacare’s individual market. Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME) traded her vote for the GOP tax bill in exchange for a promise from Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) to attach her ACA stabilization policies to a must-pass spending bill. That promise wasn’t kept in 2017, and though some lawmakers thought it might go into the two-year budget bill, it was cast aside in favor of other priorities.

Meanwhile, Republican attacks on Medicaid continue to ramp up on the state level. The Trump administration is not only moving to approve states’ requests to impose work requirements on their Medicaid recipients, it is weighing whether to approve waivers allowing states to impose lifetime limits for Medicaid. At least five states — Arizona, Kansas, Utah, Maine and Wisconsin — are seeking such a policy, which would hit both those too sick to work and low-wage workers whose employers do not offer health insurance. Some states are seeking to kick people off the program after three years, while others are considering a five-year cap.

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Every Senator save Ted Cruz (R-TX) voted Monday night to begin debate on the fate of 700,000 young immigrants soon-to-be stripped of their legal protections by the Trump administration, but what Congress will be able to pass, if anything, remains a mystery.

After March 5, unless Congress can pass a bill or a federal court intervenes, more than 1,000 DACA recipients per day will begin to lose their work permits and be at risk of deportation.

“People’s lives are hanging in the balance, and I’m not being dramatic,” a somber Sen. Dick Durbin (D-IL) told reporters. “Whether they can stay in school, whether they can keep their jobs, whether they’ll be separated from their families—these are as gut-wrenching as decisions in life as anyone might face, and I just don’t know if we’ll have 60 votes.”

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A sweeping $400 billion budget passed both chambers of Congress in the wee hours of Friday morning with a mix of Democratic and Republican votes, leaving those anxious to protect roughly 700,000 young immigrants without a way to force a vote to restore the legal protections President Trump revoked last year.

The papers of many people in the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program will expire on March 5, and the short-term budget blows past that deadline, funding the government until March 23 and raising the debt ceiling until mid-2019. If Congress fails to agree on a permanent solution for DACA recipients in the next few weeks—or even a short-term punt many lawmakers see as a “Plan Z”—young immigrants who have grown up in the United States and registered with the government could be deported later this year.

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In a press conference Thursday morning, about 14 hours before a potential government shutdown, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) reiterated that she plans to vote against the budget bill when it comes back to the lower chamber Thursday afternoon. But when pressed by reporters on whether she will whip her Democratic caucus to vote against the bill, which would imperil its passage, she demurred, saying only that she has told them she personally will vote no even though she views it as “a good bill.”

A few hours later, however, an aide for Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer (D-MD) confirmed to TPM that leadership is whipping its members against the bill, blasting out an e-mail noting that the deal “fails to provide a path forward on protecting DREAMers” and asking if they will oppose the legislation. The bill, however, is still expected to pass with a mix of Democratic and Republican votes.

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Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle say that punting difficult questions about immigration until next year would be “terrible,” “irresponsible” and “bad for the country.” They may just do it anyway.

With negotiations stalling out in the House and Senate on how to handle the fate of 700,000 young immigrants whose protections President Trump revoked last year, how much money to send to the U.S.-Mexico border and what changes if any should be made to legal immigration policy, lawmakers are warning that a one- or two-year deal may be in the offing, leaving millions of immigrants and their families in limbo.

Whether the White House would sign such a short-term deal is unclear. White House Chief of Staff John Kelly indicated earlier this week that he would advise the White House against it, and said of Congress, “What makes them act is pressure.”

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The Senate is slated to begin a floor debate early next week on some kind of an immigration bill, though what exactly will be included in that bill remains a mystery. Lawmakers meeting nearly every day to hammer out a compromise say they have yet to reach consensus on any piece of the puzzle, from how many young immigrants known as Dreamers will be granted a path to citizenship to how much funding will go to building new walls on the U.S.-Mexico border to what changes, if any, will be made to the nation’s legal immigration system. Amid this tangle of issues, several senators have told TPM, one piece has emerged as particularly difficult: the status of Dreamers’ parents.

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When the Trump administration chose to terminate President Obama’s Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program in September, it gave Congress until March 5 to come up with a way to protect the program’s nearly 700,000 young immigrants from deportation. After months of negotiations, there is no deal in sight, and exacerbating lawmakers’ usual foot-dragging and partisan divisions is widespread confusion about whether the deadline for action is truly just a few weeks away.

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