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Franken lawyer Kevin Hamilton has been laying out a very biting case against Norm Coleman in today's proceedings: That Coleman is now complaining about absentee voters being wrongly rejected, but his own campaign has personally taken part in throwing out ballots unfairly.

Hamilton had Ramsey County (St. Paul) elections director Joe Mansky go over a list of nearly 20 ballots that the local officials in the county decided were wrongly rejected, but the Coleman camp objected to under the controversial decision by the state Supreme Court that gave the campaigns an effective veto power over improperly-rejected absentees.

And some of these seemed to be obvious calls: Ballots that were initially rejected because the election officials didn't see their names in the registration database, but then spotted the names on this second review of the registration lists. The Coleman campaign vetoed them by insisting that the voters were still not properly registered.

Hamilton then proceeded to build even further on the case that Coleman can't justify a claim that he'll win by opening up this process again.

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President Obama has been a longtime supporter of "clean coal," the still-illusory concept of coal-fired power plants that can capture and store the carbon emissions that they generate.

The environmental movement tends to view "clean coal" with skepticism at best and derision at worst -- and few projects epitomize the contentious debate over clean coal more than FutureGen, the $1.8 billion dollar plant slated to be built in the downstate town of Mattoon, Illinois.

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Tom Daschle's nomination to be Secretary of Health and Human Services has hit a serious snag, in the wake of a string of revelations mostly related to his payment of taxes on income he received as part of his consulting activities since he left the Senate in 2004.

Looking at a range of news reports, there are several different charges out there, each of varying degrees of seriousness. So -- leaving aside the real-world question of which of these charges might be the most politically damaging to Daschle's nomination -- it's worth taking stock of what exactly the former Senate leader stand accused of. And of how, at least initially, might we rate the seriousness of each individual misdeed.

Let's run down the list:

1. The most serious charge -- which comes from a report conducted for the Senate Finance committee, which is handling Daschle's nomination -- is that from 2005 to 2007, he failed to report on his taxes income from the use of a limousine and driver totaling over $255,000, and provided by InterMedia Advisors LLP, a private-equity firm. On January 2, Daschle, having concluded that he owed the money, filed amended returns and paid more than $140,000 in back taxes and interest.

InterMedia, whose advisory board Daschle chairs, was founded in 2005 by Leo Hindery, a politically connected media and telecommunications executive (with an apparent record of embellishing his personal story). Hindery gave at least $42,000 to Mr. Daschle from 1997 to 2004.

Daschle told the committee that he realized last June that the limo service might count as taxable income, and asked his accountant to look into it. A Daschle spokeswoman said the accountant didn't come back to Daschle until late December or early January with a finding that the taxes were owed. Only then did Daschle inform the Obama transition team. "He thought his accountant was taking care of it," the spokeswoman told a reporter.

2. The Finance committee is also probing a second potential tax impropriety stemming from Daschle's relationship with InterMedia. The committee says he failed to report on his 2007 tax return consulting income from the company of $83,333.

But this one appears to be an oversight, if a careless one. According to the committee report, Daschle received that sum per month (or a $1 million a year) from InterMedia under the consulting arrangement. InterMedia left off one monthly payment -- the one for May 2007 -- from the annual statement of income it sent Daschle. The error occurred because the InterMedia staffer normally responsible for reporting such payments was on maternity leave, according to the committee. All the other months were accounted for.

3. The issue that almost certainly has the greatest relevance for Daschle's desired new job as HHS Secretary is his work on behalf of healthcare-industry interests.

In his financial disclosure statement, Daschle reported getting paid more than $390,000 for giving speeches to groups including America's Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), a trade organization representing health insurers. He also got nearly $100,000 from health-related companies affected by federal regulation, including more than $5000 (again, the exact figure wasn't reported) for giving "policy advice" to the insurer UnitedHealth.

4. The committee is also probing Daschle's ties to Educap -- a student loan company that paid Daschle over $5,000 for "policy advice," according to his financial disclosure report. (The exact amount wasn't disclosed).

The inquiry is focused on whether "travel and entertainment services" given to Daschle by Educap and several related entities should have been reported as income. At issue, it appears, are two trips Daschle took on EduCap's corporate jet, one to the Bahamas, the other to the Middle East, to speak with members of the board of directors of a related organization. On the latter trip, Daschle and his traveling companions met with King Abdullah of Jordan, and Israeli minister Ehud Barack, according to the Daschle spokeswoman.

In addition, Daschle has worked during the last few years for Alston & Bird, the high-powered DC law and lobbying firm, which was registered as a lobbyist for EduCap. Some on the committee have suggested that Daschle should himself have registered as a lobbyist for Educap.

So what should we make of all this?

Individually, each charge -- with the exception, perhaps of the until-recently-unpaid taxes on the InterMedia car and driver -- might be seen as not much more than business as usual for a former Congressional leader who has slipped through Washington's revolving door to offer his contacts and expertise to private interests. But cumulatively, they paint a picture of a Washington insider who, at best, has grown negligent about tracking the various forms of compensation he's receiving.

Perhaps more important, Daschle's coziness with corporate interests, many of whom will have key business before Congress and the Obama administration, could complicate the larger task of reducing the influence of the private sector in Washington.

For instance, there's nothing explicitly nefarious about Daschle's work on behalf of health insurers. But interests like AHIP and UnitedHealth have, by and large, stood in the way of efforts to remove our healthcare system from the grip of private interests, which many see as a prerequisite for real reform. Of course, that likely won't happen without at least neutralizing the opposition of the private insurers -- so perhaps Daschle's ties to those insurers make him ideally suited for the role. But at the very least, it would be nice to know what kind of "policy advice" he gave his corporate clients.

Late Update: One additional angle we might have noted. The Finance committee report also found that, from 2005 to 2007, Daschle overstated the deductions to which he was entitled for charitable contributions. When he filed amended returns, he reduced the deductions by almost $15,000.

Late Late Update: Jonathan Cohn of The New Republic adds his well-informed and somewhat more favorable take on Daschle's ability to stand up to private healthcare interests:

On reform, Daschle favors the mainstream Democratic position, which relies primarily on private insurance to deliver coverage--although it also calls for creating a new public plan, into which anybody could enroll. That would put him a bit to my right, insofar as my touting of single-payer as a technically superior--if politically inferior--reform puts me to the mainstream's left. But Daschle's philosophy on health care seems, if anything, to be slightly to the left of where I'd expect a politician of his background (ideological, geographical) to be. And it's exactly where President Obama is, for better or for worse.

What's more, Daschle is very bullish on scrutinizing new treatments for their cost-effectiveness, an idea that the drug and device industries oppose strongly. He's also proposed heavy regulation of the insurance industry and been explicit about the public plan, two positions that don't go over particularly well with most insurers (or many other corporate interest groups, for that matter). Finally, having both heard and read Daschle on many occasions, I believe he is genuinely offended by the way our health care system ruins the lives of countless Americans--and genuinely committed to solving that problem, regardless of which special interests that solution may offend.

From a CNBC interview this morning with Sen. Mary Landrieu (D-LA):

LANDRIEU: A lot of fat cats have gotten a lot of money. We want to get some of these little Main Street cats getting some money down in our part of the town. And that's what we want to do.

REPORTER: Senator Landrieu, we all love Main Street cats. But there's a role for fat cats, too. Let's not punish successful entrepreneurs.

Al Franken's legal team been cross-examining Ramsey County (St. Paul) elections director Joe Mansky, making up some solid ground after Coleman's lawyers scored some points this past Friday.

Franken attorney Kevin Hamilton went over Mansky's opinion on Friday, affirming the likelihood of absentee ballots being double-counted thanks to a duplication process for damaged ballots, and a failure to label some of them properly. This error, to the extent that it might have happened, would result in an unfair gain for Al Franken because of his own overall edge in absentee ballots -- and the fact that the Coleman campaign has confined this line of inquiry to a handful of deep-blue precincts in the Twin Cities.

But Hamilton was able to secure from Mansky an agreement that any number of other factors can cause an apparent surplus of votes.

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Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) may be keeping his cards close to the vest on the stimulus bill, but at least one of his conservative troops isn't shy. A reader sends in a report from Richard Shelby's (R-AL) local appearance this morning, in which he urges Senate GOP colleagues to filibuster the recovery bil. Here's how Shelby put it:

Are we prepared to filibuster? Hope so. But I'm afraid we may have two or three [Republicans] that might jump ship.

It's worth noting that Shelby, the senior GOPer on the Banking Committee, was one of the leaders in convincing his party to support a filibuster of last year's auto industry bailout.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) just finished briefing reporters about his party's strategy on the stimulus bill, and he declined to address the question on everyone's lips: Will the GOP mount a filibuster of the economic recovery package?

Instead, McConnell sent one strong message and one mixed message. The strong one came on the filibuster question; the senior Republican clearly feels that "considerable Democratic senatorial unrest" over the stimulus bill leaves him well-positioned to gum up the works without an overt rebellion.

How do we know that McConnell feels he's hitting a political sweet spot? When he was asked a fairly traditional, Beltway-navel-gazing query about how to keep moderate Republicans in the fold of opposition, the GOP leader practically sang "Kumbaya." What, me filibuster? ...

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Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus (D-MT) has just released a statement affirming his commitment to health secretary nominee Tom Daschle, answering a widely circulating Politico report about his longtime frostiness with the former Senate Democratic leader.

Baucus' statement was as effusive as can be, given his laconic reputation and the uncertain political landscape that faces Daschle:

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In an interview with NBC's Matt Lauer that aired this morning, President Obama offered a concrete proposal intended to help his administration ensure that bailout money is spent more wisely than it has been until now.

Obama referred to "an independent board ... that actually looks at these programs, and the money, before it goes out the door."

Watch the clip:

Of course, how effective such a board will be is still entirely to be determined. But at least nominally this adds to the evidence that the new Congress and administration appear to understand the need to exert much tighter control over the bailout money than we saw initially.

A new Rasmussen poll further demonstrates that the GOP could be in for a long stretch in the wilderness: A majority of GOP voters now say that the party should be more like Sarah Palin.

The numbers: 55% of Republicans say the party should be like Palin, compared to 24% who say they should be like John McCain.

As I've previously noted, poll data like this could indicate that the Republican Party is getting ready to relive the classic cycle of ruling parties who get turned out of power in a landslide: With the party base itself shrunk down, the people who are still around are the most hard-line members, and are really the least fit people to fix the situation.