Romney, Perry Vie For The Hearts And Minds … Of Other Pols

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While most of the focus of the GOP primary has been on the crowded field of candidates and their penchant for historical gaffes and over-the-top statements to prove their conservative mettle, another more quiet drama has taken place in recent months over dinners and awkward phone calls, hidden from the klieg lights of the debate stage and out of eyeshot from cameras.

While largely a symbolic sign of success, the battle for high-profile endorsements in Congress and around the country is always an election sideshow. But it also has its practical benefits.

Public pronouncements of support from members of Congress, prominent governors and public officials can help a primary candidate silence critics early and tap into a large swath of grassroots support that will be key to determining the outcome of the GOP primary early next year.

At this point in time, with Perry’s meteoric rise falling back into the normal stratosphere, and Romney once again appearing as the establishment candidate of choice, this year’s race for endorsements has taken place in fits and starts, with many important D.C. players in the in Congress and the fundraising game keeping their powder dry in the off chance another candidate such as New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie or even Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels jumps into the race.

As National Journal reported this week, there are more fence-sitters now than in any presidential election in recent memory, including Big K Street names like Charlie Black, Ed Rogers, and former New York Reps. Bill Paxon and Tom Reynolds, along with plenty of lower-tier lobbyists and operatives.

Romney and Perry held dueling fundraisers in Washington this week while the House was out of town so it the events were largely member-free. But both camps have privately courted lawmaker endorsements for months, if not years, and each candidates’ roster of supporters largely reflect their differing fundraising strengths and where they’ve directed their campaign cash for the past several years.

Since 2006 when he first started seriously considering making a presidential run, Romney has made a point of showering cash from his leadership PAC, Free and Strong America, on members and candidates for Congress — more than $1.4 million to at least 250 members and candidates for Congress.

So it comes as no surprise that Romney has the support of at least 15 members of Congress and three senators, Roy Blunt (MO), Orrin Hatch (UT) and Jim Risch (ID).

Perry, meanwhile, earned a reputation as a formidable fundraiser during his tenure at the Republican Governors Association from 2006 to last month when he stepped aside to launch his presidential campaign. During that time, Perry managed to raise more than $217 million for the RGA and its network of state-level political action committees and is credited with helping a majority of state houses switch to the Republican column.

In the process, Perry has earned endorsements from Gov. Bobby Jindal and Nevada Gov. Brian Sandoval – two top GOP risings stars.

The line between inside and outside-the-beltway backers for Romney and Perry isn’t solid. In fact, Idaho Gov. Butch Otter and Nebraska Gov. Dave Heineman have publicly endorsed Romney while Perry boasts at least nine supporters on Capitol Hill so far.

Of course, it helps that Perry is from a large state with a big delegation, whose members often feel compelled to support one of its own.

For instance, Rep. Pete Sessions (R-TX), who chairs the House GOP’s re-election arm and Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), who serves on the deficit super committee, both received several contributions from Romney in the past, but are now unapologetically backing Perry.

One key figure in the endorsement chase, Sen. Jim DeMint (R-SC), the Senate’s leader of the Tea Party movement, is keeping his powder dry, which is especially interesting because he formally backed Romney last time around very early on — in January of 2007.

That endorsement, however, likely had more to do with DeMint’s open disdain for Romney’s primary opponent, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ), who had spent years rankling conservatives with his support for stricter campaign finance laws and comprehensive immigration reform. That endorsement came as no surprise to those watching the race closely; DeMint had held a fundraiser for Romney even earlier – in 2006.

Even though McCain was a sitting member of Congress and eventually won the nomination to many conservatives’ chagrin, Romney was the first to reach out to House Republicans, taking advantage of some conservatives’ “anybody but McCain” mentality and disdain for the Arizona lawmaker’s campaign-finance reform and immigration agendas.

Many responded by eagerly jumping on board, including Rep. Marsha Blackburn (R-TN), who served as a senior adviser, the first House member to take on such a formal role in a campaign. But Blackburn switched to fellow Tennessean Sen. Fred Thompson’s brief campaign after he announced and currently has yet to decide whom to back this time around.

At first, in early 2007 when Blackburn joined the Romney team, it was viewed as a way to appeal to religious social conservative concerned about his Mormon views.

“It’s no secret that a governor from Massachusetts needs to reach out to conservatives, especially in the South, if he’s going to have any chance of getting the nomination,” then-Blackburn spokesman Matt Lambert said at the time. “He’s doing that and making a very big push, especially in Tennessee.”

Kevin Madden, a key Romney supporter, who served as his spokesman during the 2008 contest, said the campaign understood Blackburn’s decision to jump to Thompson, and has no problem with her wait-and-see approach this time around.

“She supported Romney last time initially,” Madden wrote in an email to TPM, “but once Fred Thompson entered the race, being from her home state of Tennessee, she moved to support him. Did so on good terms. We totally understood that.”

“It’s common for some [Members of Congress] to keep their powder dry right now,” he noted. “Many are.”

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