In it, but not of it. TPM DC

Sen. Roy Blunt (R-MO) really didn't want to answer one more question about Donald Trump.

"Sometime in the next 24 hours I may do a total moratorium on any Trump questions in this building and just refer you to the office who knows how many times I've already answered the Trump questions," Blunt said.

In the Senate Monday, just a week after Trump became the party's presumptive nominee and any hope of a contested convention was laid to rest in Indiana, Republican lawmakers resistantly settled into their new normal: their futures are inextricably tied to a Manhattan billionaire who has run his campaign as if it is a reality television show. And everything he says? They are about to have to answer for it.

Scuttling around the hill, many GOP senators were reticent to embrace Trump outright, and that often took the form of demanding more from him.

"So he still needs to unite the party and the nation," Sen. Steve Daines (R-MT) said, refusing to answer whether he could support Trump.

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As Hill Republicans stagger back to the Capitol this week, many are coming to terms with what still hadn't sunk in when they recessed 10 days ago: Donald Trump is their nominee.

“Donald Trump was not my first choice. He wasn’t my second choice or third or fourth choice. I have lots have differences with Donald Trump and lots of problems with him, but I am absolutely in the ‘never Hillary Clinton’ camp,” Sen. Pat Toomey (R-PA), who is running for re-election told the Dom Giordano Program last week. "I guess this is where we are."

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Donald Trump sewed up the GOP nomination Tuesday despite the clear dangers he poses to his party in November. Polls show him deeply vulnerable against Hillary Clinton, and he could cost Republicans the Senate and, according to some analyses, put their House majority in peril.

But the longer term threat Trump poses to the GOP is in some ways more vexing. After a Trump drubbing, the party could very well be in the exact same position it found itself in in 2008 and 2012, re-litigating a core question: Is the GOP losing because its candidates aren't conservative enough -- or because it's banking on a narrow, white constituency that is being eclipsed by a growing minority population?

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A candidate who exploited white resentment and racist rhetoric.

A bitter primary fight that threatened to sever the Republican Party.

Warnings of a catastrophic GOP defeat in the general election.

There are many similarities between Donald Trump’s journey to the top of the 2016 GOP heap and the nomination of Barry Goldwater in 1964. But there’s one place where current reality could depart from historical parallels: Don’t expect Republicans to publicly rebuke Trump, the way some moderate GOPers did during and after Goldwater's 1964 nomination.

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The Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee have a message for their Republican counterparts, who are leading the blockade on President Obama's Supreme Court nominee: If you care so much about giving America a voice, give us a hearing on voting rights!

The nine Democrats on the committee sent a letter Friday to its Republicans leaders -- Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-IA), the chair of the Judiciary Committee, and Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX), chair of its subcommittee on the Constitution -- demanding a hearing on voting rights, which the committee has not hosted since the GOP took over the Senate. They pointed to the 2013 Supreme Court decision that gutted the Voting Rights Act and the electoral and legal chaos that has ensued since. But they also used the letter to call out the same Republicans for refusing to grant Obama's nominee Merrick Garland a hearing.

"It is ironic that Senate Republicans would claim to give the American people a voice, but at the same time allow sweeping voting restrictions to be enacted that would silence many of these Americans - a disproportionate number of whom are minorities," the letter said.

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When it comes to Donald Trump’s women problems, the top-line polling numbers are just the tip of the iceberg.

The real estate mogul's sexist rhetoric coupled with his clumsy posturing on policy issues that already hamstrung Republicans with female voters have exacerbated a gender gap that helped President Obama defeat Mitt Romney in 2012.

It’s no secret that Trump -- whose latest antagonization was his insistence Tuesday night that Hillary Clinton was relying on the “woman card” -- is turning off women in huge numbers. But Trump is not just angering the women who were maybe leaning Democratic anyway.

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As the Republican primary calendar enters its final stretch, Donald Trump still has a more than decent shot -- better than some would have you believe -- at securing the 1,237 delegates that would guarantee his coronation in Cleveland.

For all the talk of a contested GOP convention -- the unicorn of modern day political reporting -- the delegate math still points to Trump locking up the nomination before the convention, or coming so close that it would be politically impossible to deny him the nomination.

The significance to the alleged “alliance” formed in recent days between Ted Cruz and John Kasich is its implication that without teaming up in an extraordinary joint effort to coordinate the voting of their supporters state by state, Trump will win enough delegates to make stopping him impossible.

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You know you've made it in Republicans politics when conservatives are circulating your name as a potential savior who would swoop into the presidential race and save the party from Donald Trump.

Whether the plan was stop the real estate mogul with a third party bid or in a brokered convention, #NeverTrump-ers continually ran into the same problem: just whom would they rally around instead?

Next to the graveyard of the legitimate presidential candidates who tried and failed to stop Trump, there's the cemetery of the potential white knights whose campaigns just never got off the ground. Here's a look at some of the more absurd ideas put forward by Republicans seeking to wrest the nomination away from Trump:

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