In it, but not of it. TPM DC

During the first Clinton White House, First Lady Hillary Clinton became the public face of the administration's push for health care reform. She testified at public hearings, headed a task force, and the policies coalesced under the moniker "Hillarycare." When those proposals died in 1993, it arguably set comprehensive health care reform back for more than a decade.

Then in 2008, the political environment was ripe for reform for the first time since. Then-Sen. Hillary Clinton, now running for president, laid out her plan, which per the Washington Post, would have sought "to build on the existing health-care system, but ... make it easier for adults without health insurance to buy it through tax credits." But she lost the Democratic primary to a senator from Illinois and, six years later, those policies have a different name ascribed to them: Obamacare.

More than 10 million have gained health coverage because of that law, the Affordable Care Act, with the second enrollment period set to start later this week. So if, as is almost universally expected, Clinton decides to seek for the White House again, what will there be left for her to do?

A lot actually, according to one of her closest former advisers: Center for American Progress president Neera Tanden, who was policy director for the 2008 Clinton campaign, worked in the Clinton White House and worked for the Obama administration on health care reform.

Like most people close to the former secretary of state and first lady, Tanden refused to entertain any direct questions about Clinton's 2016 plans. But in an interview with TPM, she did talk about the role that health care might play in the coming presidential campaign and how potential Democratic candidates, and Clinton in particular, might approach it.

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Like their peers across the country, when some South Carolina voters walked out of the polling station this week, they were asked to take an exit poll. But some of the questions were a little different -- things like, "Blacks are getting too demanding in their push for equal rights. Agree or disagree?"

And South Carolinans weren't happy about it.

It wasn't the Ku Klux Klan canvassing voters in the Palmetto State. It was political scientists from Clemson University and the University of South Carolina. The irony is that they wanted to seize on a historical moment -- the election of Sen. Tim Scott (R-SC), the first black senator to be elected in the South since Reconstruction -- to test whether racial animus was still a factor for voters.

But in doing so, they managed to stir up a lot of backlash. "This is shameful!" tweeted one person who received the survey. Another, according to WSPA in Greenville, said the questions were "overtly racist."

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Polls may have closed Tuesday night, but as of Friday no winner had been declared in some key midterm races.

The Republican Party has already solidified its majority in the Senate by holding onto seats in Kentucky, Kansas and Georgia while knocking off Democratic candidates in North Carolina, Iowa, Colorado and Arkansas. The GOP may add to that majority depending on the outcome of the Alaska Senate race.

The GOP made huge gains in the House as well and expanded its majority to a commanding 244 seats. The party may add one more to its ranks if candidate Carl DeMaio manages to eke out a victory over incumbent Democratic Rep. Scott Peters in California's 52nd congressional district.

Here's where each of those races currently stands.

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The Supreme Court announced on Friday it will hear a lawsuit that seeks to cripple Obamacare by invalidating federal subsidies for millions of Americans.

In a surprising move, the justices agreed to have the final word on a challenge to the legality of Obamacare premium tax credits in 36 states which declined to build their own state-run exchanges and handed some or all of the task over to the federal government.

The decision is troubling news for the White House, which wanted to resolve the case in the lower courts so the Supreme Court wouldn't have to weigh in.

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Democrats were hoping that an effort to register new African American voters would help them win tough races for U.S. Senate and governor in Georgia.

That didn't happen.

But African Americans did come out in droves for the two candidates. The New Georgia Project, the nonpartisan group behind the push to register new African American voters, is hoping to increase that chunk of the electorate the next time around.

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In the aftermath of the resounding Republican takeover of the Senate this week, most everybody agrees two things are true. The GOP is going to face a much tougher Senate map and electorate in 2016. and the upper chamber is going to be populated for the next two years by a number of prominent Republicans (Ted Cruz, Rand Paul and Marco Rubio) with presidential ambitions.

Of the three, Cruz is undoubtedly the biggest troublemaker -- and he relishes that role. But by positioning himself to appeal to conservatives in a Republican presidential primary, he could force his more moderate GOP colleagues in blue states to take uncomfortable votes and thereby put their brand-new Senate majority at risk.

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Where incoming Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) struck what was almost a conciliatory tone after his party's sweeping victories on Tuesday, House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) appeared ready for battle while issuing stern warnings to President Barack Obama not to overstep his bounds.

McConnell pledged to fix the Senate and acknowledged that there were "significant areas for potential agreement" with the White House. But Boehner was feisty and confrontational at his Thursday press conference.

Republicans picked up 14 seats in the House, expanding their majority to a historic 246-seat majority, their largest majority in more than half a century. The incoming freshman class includes substantial additions to the party's right wing, including David Brat of Virginia, a tea party candidate who knocked off Boehner's majority leader, Eric Cantor, in the GOP primary.

With that as the backdrop, Boehner sounded like he was in no mood to compromise.

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Going into Election Day, Medicaid expansion advocates had reason to be optimistic. If things broke the right way in a half dozen competitive gubernatorial races, health coverage could come to a million uninsured people.

But as Republicans stormed to victory in almost every notable election in the country, Medicaid expansion might not make any inroads in those states -- and might even lose ground in one place that pioneered a unique expansion plan.

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