In it, but not of it. TPM DC

The leading opponents of same-sex marriage have been attempting to re-write recent American history, where decades of sneering public attacks on gays and lesbians, condemnations of their "lifestyle," and blaming them for a decline of America's moral virtue are quietly forgotten.

Their argument, made in front of the Supreme Court, no less, is that gay marriage bans are not motivated by prejudice toward gays and lesbians, but by a more noble if newfound purpose. In the days to come, the justices will reveal whether they subscribe to this new version of history in a decision that could decide whether gay couples have the right to marry nationwide.

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Donald Trump says he's now the wealthiest candidate in the 2016 presidential race -- but he'll have a hard time convincing his more casual followers that he's serious about being the most qualified person to occupy the Oval Office.

Trump defied the naysayers who predicted he'd never run for President at his announcement rally Tuesday at the Trump Tower in New York City. But his hyperbolic speech contained snatches of the rambling, oddball rants the reality TV star's Twitter followers have come to expect of him.

Trump has embraced "birtherism" and vaccine fear-mongering and made more than a few racially tinged comments over the past few years as he's flirted with running for office in various media appearances and on Twitter.

Here are some of the most notable things Trump has said in the lead-up to the official launch of his presidential campaign.

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Ahead of a potentially historic Supreme Court ruling, leading Republicans are vowing to defy any decision that sanctions same-sex marriage and are challenging the very legitimacy of the high court.

With a decision in Obergefell v. Hodges expected before the end of June, conservatives are confronted with what was only a few years ago a nearly unthinkable possibility: a Supreme Court decision that decisively makes same-sex marriage a constitutional right.

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The 20-week abortion ban is poised to get its biggest moment yet when Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) rolls out his own federal version Thursday.

While Graham's bill stands little chance of overcoming an expected Democratic filibuster in the Senate, it shines a light on a measure already on track to be a major 2016 issue and which abortion rights proponents fear looks reasonable enough to voters but is in fact a trojan horse with major legal implications.

While the bans only apply to a relatively small portion of abortions, they are part of a much broader, long-term legal strategy among anti-abortion activists to push the Supreme Court into chipping away at some of the protections established in Roe v. Wade.

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The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit has cleared the way for most of a restrictive Texas abortion law -- that among other things requires clinics to meet hospital-like standards and providers to attain special credentials with local hospitals -- to go into effect.

"In plain terms, H.B. 2 and its provisions may be applied throughout

Texas," the appeals court panel said, with the exception of one clinic in McAllen, Texas, where certain provisions had previously been blocked by the Supreme Court. According to the Center for Reproductive Rights, all but seven of the clinics in the state stand risk of closing.

The suit, brought by Center for Reproductive Rights on behalf of independent providers in the state, was the second federal challenge to Texas' omnibus abortion law, which passed in a special session in 2013 after then-Sen. Wendy Davis filibustered lawmakers' initial attempts to advance it. The law mandates that clinics meet the standards required of ambulatory surgical centers, requires that providers attain special credentials known as "admitting privileges" at local hospitals, bans abortions after 20 weeks and puts restrictions on the use of medication abortion (also known as the abortion pill).

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Republican state lawmakers in Louisiana and anti-tax crusader Grover Norquist are in a war of words over the state's terrible budget options, with Gov. Bobby Jindal (R), a 2016 White House contender, stuck in the middle.

The state faces an enormous $1.6 billion budget shortfall, a reality Jindal blames on falling oil revenues. However, he is one of a number of GOP governors, many of them considering presidential runs, who have found themselves with budget crises due to their unwillingness to raise tax revenue. Jindal's anti-tax orthodoxy has limited legislators' options for balancing the state's budget and means the state is facing the prospect of drastic cuts in key areas like higher education.

For months now legislators have accused Jindal of kowtowing to Norquist's "no tax pledge," which stipulates that taxes cannot be raised unless they’re offset by spending cuts elsewhere. And this weekend they'd had enough. A group of self-described "conservative" Republican state representatives took their complaints to Norquist himself, asking him to give them some wiggle room on raising taxes and to shoot down some Jindal-backed legislation that they say would set a "dangerous precedent" in how government could mask revenue hikes.

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