In it, but not of it. TPM DC

Legislation that would allow 9/11 families to sue the Saudi government became the first veto override President Obama has faced in his presidency.

The House voted Wednesday afternoon 348 to 77 to override the president's veto. The Senate voted 97 to 1 to override earlier in the day.

The legislation was unanimous in Congress when it initially passed, but strong objections from the White House and Pentagon eventually revealed deep schisms within the Democratic Party and GOP as many members grappled with the choice between potentially changing the future of national sovereignty and defending victims of a horrific terrorist attack.

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It’s not just where the money went from the Donald Trump Foundation that’s drawing scrutiny to GOP nominee. It’s also how the money came in.

A new Washington Post report this week presented cases where Trump directed third parties to pay monies owed to him or his businesses directly to the Donald J. Trump Foundation--monies that arguably should have been taxed as income to Trump.

The Trump campaign has said that the payments were all aboveboard and proper, and slammed the Post's reporter for trafficking in speculation about possible but not proven legal problems. All of this comes against the backdrop of Trump refusing to release his tax returns, a stance unprecedented among modern major party presidential nominees. Without those tax returns, the exact handling of the payments and any associated taxes remains murky.

But tax experts interviewed by TPM said the new revelations by the Post include a number of red flags. At best, the practice could be described as sloppy and driven by an extreme ignorance of the law, the experts said. At worst, it fits into a pattern of using the charity as a personal piggy bank. On their own, such allegations could be dealt with a minor slap on the wrist, but coupled with the Post’s previously surfaced examples of Trump using foundation money for his own benefit they fuel major concerns about how Trump’s charity has operated.

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As his party's former nominee, Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) arguably knows more about presidential debates than any other member of the U.S. Senate.

But when asked what he thought of Monday's debate he couldn't muster much excitement.

"I thought it was very interesting," he said.

"You still backing Trump?" McCain was asked.

Then just in the nick of time, the Senate elevator doors closed.

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Donald Trump, as a man and a presidential candidate, takes pride in having the best of everything: the best businesses, the best people working on his campaign, the best opinions. So the GOP nominee figured out long ago that having opposed the Iraq war before it even began, long before the wildly unpopular conflict would leave a half-million civilians dead and the Islamic State in its wake, is clairvoyant political gold.

There’s just one problem. Despite Trump’s repeated insistence, there simply isn’t evidence to back up the New York real estate mogul's claims that he was strongly opposed to the war before the United States invaded Iraq.

The issue resurfaced in Monday night’s first general election presidential debate, when Trump interrupted moderator Lester Holt to again claim he'd been against the invasion from the beginning, eventually launching into a rant about private conversations he purportedly had with Fox News personality Sean Hannity.

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With just four days to go before the government runs out of money to operate, Democrats helped block a short-term spending measure from moving forward Tuesday afternoon in the Senate because the legislation did not include funding to help the community of Flint, Michigan, recover from a lead water crisis that it has been grappling with for more than two years.

"Would it be asking too much for the Speaker of the House, the Republican leader of the Senate, to stand and say, we're going to get that thing done, we're going to pass it, we're going to make sure that the bill that passed overwhelmingly in the Senate is going to become law? But they ignore that. They ignore the people of Flint," Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid said on the floor of the Senate Tuesday morning ahead of the vote.

Senators voted 55 to 45 to move the measure forward, but it needed 60 votes to advance under Senate rules. The failure opened up serious questions about how members will be able to come together to fund the government before the clock runs out.

"We want to go back to the drawing boards," said Sen, Barbara Mikulski (D-Md.), the ranking member of the Senate's Appropriations Bill. "The clock is ticking. I think we can come to an agreement on the money now we just have to get rid of the poison pill riders."

There were four Democrats who voted to move the measure, known as a continuing resolution, forward. There were 13 Republicans who voted to block the legislation.

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