In it, but not of it. TPM DC

A chaotic House Republican conference decided on Thursday to delay the start of the August recess until they muster the votes for legislation to address the border crisis.

"We'll stay until we vote," Rep. Darrell Issa (R-CA) told reporters upon emerging from a full House GOP meeting that lasted more than one and a half hour.

The meeting was called after Republican leaders abruptly pulled their $659 million supplemental legislation, which also toughened up border security laws, ahead of a scheduled vote Thursday. The decision was made in the face of strong opposition from conservatives. Some on the right — including Sens. Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Jeff Sessions (R-AL) — griped the plan didn't do enough to rein in President Barack Obama's executive actions on deportations.

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House Republicans officially gave Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) their seal of approval on Wednesday to sue President Barack Obama, marking the first time in U.S. history that a chamber of Congress has endorsed a lawsuit against a president.

The House adopted the resolution by a vote of 225-201. Five Republicans joined a unanimous Democratic conference to vote against the measure. They were Reps. Thomas Massie (R-KY), Walter Jones (R-NC), Paul Broun (R-GA), Steve Stockman (R-TX) and Scott Garrett (R-NJ).

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Nobody who watched the genesis of Obamacare could have conceived that we would get to this point. When a federal appeals court ruled last week that the law's subsidies were not available in the 36 states that used HealthCare.gov this year, it was the culmination of a unexpectedly turbulent legislative process and five ensuing years of willful Republican obstructionism that puts health coverage for nearly 5 million people at risk.

Separate state and federal exchanges were never supposed to exist. A national exchange, a more fully formed HealthCare.gov, if you will, was preferred by House Democrats and the White House. But unforeseen political changes forced Congress and the president to accept state exchanges with a federal backstop.

But then nobody really believed that states would chose not to set up their own exchanges. Until, fueled by the conservative legal challenges that they hoped would undo Obamacare as a whole as well as the politically motivated defiance of Republican governors, a substantial majority of states defaulted to the federal exchange.

Then enterprising opponents of the law discovered the language in one provision of the ACA that is now at the heart of their current legal challenge. They're arguing Congress didn't actually intend for subsidies to go through a federal exchange, even though a fully federal exchange is originally what many members and the White House wanted. Meanwhile, the law's defenders, as well as many journalists who covered its passage like Vox's Sarah Kliff and The New Republic's Brian Beutler, are being confronted with a scenario that they never could have anticipated after years of covering the law's drafting and implementation. It seems simply unthinkable to most of those who have tracked the law closely. But here we are.

This is how it happened.

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In a bit of political gamesmanship, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid floated the idea of using the House GOP's border supplemental bill as a vehicle to enact comprehensive immigration reform.

"Well, if they pass that, maybe it's an opening for us to have a conference on our comprehensive immigration reform bill. They're finally sending us something on immigration; maybe we could do that," the Nevada Democrat told reporters on Tuesday.

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A federal appeals court ruled on Friday that a Florida law that discourages physicians from asking patients about guns is constitutional, despite doctor warnings that such questions are vital to their work.

The 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals overturned a lower court decision that invalidated the 2011 law, advocated by guns rights groups. The law says that "unless information is relevant to patient's medical care or safety or safety of others, inquiries regarding firearm ownership or possession should not be made." It allows for disciplinary action against doctors who violate it.

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President Barack Obama's promised executive actions on immigration are shaping up to put Speaker John Boehner in a bind between the passions of his conservative base and the GOP's long-term viability as a national party.

Some staunch conservatives are hopping mad and already floating impeachment over it — but could that actually spur House GOP leaders to do it?

The White House insists it might. Democrats are giddily fundraising off the notion of imminent impeachment, which Boehner calls a "scam," repeating that the House has no plans to go down that road. But the question political scientists and strategists are mulling is whether Obama's executive move, which is expected to shield millions of undocumented immigrants from deportation, could actually inflame the GOP base enough to push Boehner down that path.

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The 2014 election cycle has so far been framed as an epic matchup between the tea party wing of the Republican Party and more establishment types. The establishment has thus far only lost one such beltway insider: House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (VA).

Otherwise, tea party-favored candidates have struggled to gain ground. A new analysis from the firm HaystaqDNA could explain why: county-by-county tallying of tea party support reveals that its strongholds may be in the West rather than in key southern states where candidates have mounted serious incumbent challenges.

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A new White House report released Tuesday warns that delaying environmental action would be costly and argues that swift action serves as "climate insurance" to mitigate the "most severe and irreversible potential consequences of climate change."

The report, titled "A Cost Of Delaying Action To Stem Climate Change," comes in the wake of the Obama administration's decision to bypass Congress and propose new rules on coal-fired power plants aimed at slashing carbon pollution by 30 percent by 2030.

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